George Orwell: His war on totalitarianism, humbug, and sugar in tea – Preksha

George Orwell

On his 123rd birth anniversary, George Orwell remains a touchstone whenever societies argue about power, freedom and truth. – Preksha

In the spring of 1928, a young Englishman named Eric Blair moved into a rented room in a working-class neighbourhood in Paris. The walls of which, he would later describe as “thin as matchwood”. Despite an Eton education and five years with the Indian Imperial Police in Myanmar, he gave both up voluntarily. Seventeen years later, Blair would write the allegorical novella Animal Farm and then the dystopian novel 1984 under the pseudonym George Orwell—a name that outlived the man who created it.

During the Cold War, Orwell was the prophet of totalitarianism. After 9/11, he became a writer of surveillance. In the age of social media, algorithms, misinformation and governments that know more about their citizens than ever before, “Orwellian” has become one of the most overused adjectives in political vocabulary.

On his 123rd birth anniversary, the writer remains a touchstone whenever societies argue about power, freedom and truth. The fascination shows little sign of fading.

Perhaps, it was his first-hand experience witnessing the harsh realities of poverty, class division, and the rise of totalitarianism that influenced his later writings. Or perhaps it was writers such as Charles Dickens and Jonathan Swift, but one thing is clear: George Orwell did not beat around the bush. With a sharp, crisp, and direct manner, Orwell weaponised language as an instrument of truth rather than a medium of embellishment.

Les jours sombres

Blair did not find initial success, like most authors. He lived at the Paris address for eighteen months, writing novels and short stories that no one would publish. For days, he went without food and eventually pawned his clothes to survive.

Robbed and destitute, the budding novelist took a job as a dishwasher in a Paris restaurant. Working brutal hours in the dingy kitchens, he continued writing. Drawing on these observations, he would later write in Down and Out in Paris and London (1933) that “the average millionaire is only the average dishwasher dressed in a new suit.”

In August 1929, still in Paris, he sent an essay to the Adelphi magazine in London. “The Spike” was an account of spending a night in a workhouse. It was accepted and published under his real name.

But the tide turned slowly and with help. In December 1929, Blair returned to England and went directly to his parents’ house in Southwold. Over the next three years he wrote reviews, taught at a private school, and wrote and rewrote what would become his first full-length work, Down and Out in Paris and London.

The manuscript was rejected by Jonathan Cape and then by Faber & Faber. Before it was rescued by a friend, Mabel Fierz, who showed it to a literary agent. Years after Blair had left Paris penniless, Victor Gollancz published it in January 1933. And so the world came to know George Orwell.

When the time came to publish, his parents, Blair feared, would be embarrassed by what the book revealed.

“As to a pseudonym, a name I always use when tramping etc., is PS Burton, but if you don’t think this sounds a probable kind of name, what about Kenneth Miles, George Orwell, H. Lewis Always. I rather favour George Orwell,” Blair wrote to his literary agent in 1932.

‘Bah! Humbug!’

Eric Blair was born on 25 June 1903 in Bihar’s Motihari, the son of a British official in the Indian Civil Service. Before he was two, his mother had taken him and his sisters back to England. He would spend years trying to understand exactly where that placed him. In The Road to Wigan Pier (1937), he said, “I was born into what you might describe as the lower-upper-middle class.”

Scholarships carried Blair to Wellington and then Eton, two of England’s most prestigious schools. “

For people like me, the ambitious middle class, the examination-passers, only a bleak, laborious kind of success was possible,” Blair later wrote in Such, Such Were The Joys published in 1952.

He explained the different outcomes possible if the middle class slacked on its upward mobility ladder.

“You clambered upwards on a ladder of scholarships into the Civil Service or the Indian Civil Service, or possibly you became a barrister. And if at any point you ‘slacked’ or ‘went off’ and missed one of the rungs in the ladder, you became ‘a little office boy at forty pounds a year’. But even if you climbed to the highest niche that was open to you, you could still only be an underling, a hanger-on of the people who really counted,” he claimed.

But the Englishman knew the ladder well enough; he did, after all, become the ultimate voice of caution against it. He left in 1921 and climbed the rung leading to colonial service in the Indian subcontinent.

In his 1936  essay, “Shooting an Elephant,” written after he had walked away from the Indian Imperial Police, Blair described having been sent to shoot a rogue elephant. Standing there, with a rifle in hand, before a crowd of two thousand Burmese, he realised that the animal no longer needed to die, but he fired because the crowd expected it.

“I was only an absurd puppet pushed to and fro by the will of those yellow faces behind. I perceived in this moment that when the white man turns tyrant, it is his own freedom that he destroys. He becomes a sort of hollow, posing dummy, the conventionalised figure of a sahib,” he wrote.

By the time he left Burma at twenty-four, Blair had come to strongly oppose imperialism. He wrote later in his fifth book, Road to Wigan Pier (1937), “I hated the imperialism I was serving with a bitterness, which I probably cannot make clear”.

He left Burma in June 1927 on a medical certificate and never returned.

The following year found him in Paris: poor, unpublished, and persistently pursuing a life he had dreamt of as a child. After all, imagination cannot breed in captivity; it must be let free to roam, wander, and survive on its own.

“From a very early age, perhaps the age of five or six, I knew that when I grew up I should be a writer,” he recalled in the 1946 essay “Why I Write.”  He tried, for a while, to want something else. Between seventeen and twenty-four he turned away and felt, the entire time, that he was “outraging his true nature.”

He came back as writers always do, like a bee to the sweet scent of honey.

“What I have most wanted to do is to make political writing into an art,” he confessed.

But the young wordsmith also knew that work written without political fire went cold. He admitted that his purpose was not separate from his prose.

“Looking back through my work, I see that it is invariably where I lacked a political purpose that I wrote lifeless books and was betrayed into purple passages, sentences without meaning, decorative adjectives and humbug generally.”

Humbug. He spent his whole life at war with it. Truth, after all, is a revolutionary act.

A war that took him from Parisian slums to the coal mines of northern England, to the blood-soaked trenches of the Spanish Civil War and eventually, a cold farmhouse on a Scottish island.

Orwell’s war with totalitarianism also led to some of his greatest works and successes in life—Animal Farm. Written in 1943 and 1944, it was a thin fable about farm animals who overthrow their human master, only to find the pigs who lead the revolution had become everything they fought against.

Knowing it was a thinly-veiled critique Stalinism, the children’s book was rejected by four publishers for fear that the book might upset the Western wartime alliance with the Soviet Union. Even fellow essayist T.S. Eliot rejected it at Faber & Faber, and so did Gollancz.

It was finally taken on by Secker & Warburg and published on 17 August 1945.

But by then Orwell was already dying. On a remote Scottish island, consumed by tuberculosis, he typed the final draft himself working through fever and fits of bloody coughing. 1984 was published on 8 June 1949. It introduced terms such as “Big Brother,” the “Thought Police,” doublethink, and “Newspeak” to political discussions and popular culture. It was the dying man’s last gift to the language and the subject he had spent his life honing. 1984 went on to become one of the world’s most enduring warnings and an example of Orwellianism.

George Orwell died seven months later at the age of 46.

A nice cup of tea with Orwell

The man who gave the world biting satire also gave it eleven rules for making tea. Published in 1946, A Nice Cup of Tea finds Orwell arguing about teapots and the right moment to add milk. Like any real Englishman and tea lover, Orwell had strong views about tea, one that should never be taken lightly or messed with.

Tea, he declared, should be strong. The pot should be warmed. Milk should be added after the tea is poured. Sugar, meanwhile, had no business being there at all.

His letters are witnesses to his love affair with the world’s greatest beverage. Writing to Mamaine Koestler, the second wife of journalist Arthur, in January 1947, during the grey austerity of post-war rationing, he thanked her for sending some.

“We always seem to drink more than we can legally get, and are always slightly inclined to go round cadging it,” the tea-lover commented.

For years, the story of Animal Farm was told as Orwell’s alone. It is a version his adopted son, Richard Blair, has further elaborated on in an essay for The Guardian. In August 2025, he argued that the novel should be understood as the work of two people: Orwell and his wife, Eileen O’Shaughnessy, who typed manuscripts and offered detailed suggestions throughout.

He added that it was his mother who may have steered the project away from a straightforward political polemic toward the beast fable it came to be.

“The result of my parents’ teamwork was one of the most beautifully written books of the century,” Richard wrote.

In a world where authoritarianism, xenophobia, nationalism, and political lying remain, he added, “We need Animal Farm by our side more than ever now.”

Looking for ‘Jaarj Arwil’ in 1984

In 1984, as readers around the world revisited Orwell’s masterpiece, journalist Ian Jack wrote a piece in The Sunday Times titled “In search of a Jaarj Arwil.”

A year earlier, the Scottish journalist had travelled to Motihari and had gone through documents kept in archives at the collectorate. Jack recounted that locals were clueless that their town was the famed dystopian writer’s birthplace.

“I found that nobody, save the district magistrate, had ever heard of Orwell,” Jack wrote.

That began to change in 2003, the centenary of Orwell’s birth, when a local businessman named Debapriya Mookherjee decided something had to be done.

“It’s a matter of pride for us that a writer of his stature was born here. When we saw that no one else was willing to come forward and save the place, we thought it was our duty to do so,” he told The Caravan.

Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar bows before a bust of George Orwell during his 2012 visit to Motihari.

Birth place of George Orwell in Motihari, Bihar.

With the help of the Motihari Rotary Club, Mookherjee launched a campaign to protect the site, celebrating Orwell’s birth and death anniversaries, inviting government officials and journalists. In April 2012, Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar stopped by at the site while on his sewa-yatra in Motihari.

But Mookherjee met resistance at every turn. Residents rebuked him for promoting an “angrez (British)” writer.

“They simply didn’t know him,” Mookherjee said.

The town’s railway station bore a sign reading Bapudhaam Motihari—Gandhi’s town. The district had staked its identity on the Champaran Satyagraha of 1917. The tension broke into the open when officials laid a foundation stone at Orwell’s birthplace  to dedicate it as a monument to Gandhi.

The plan was eventually scrapped. The state government declared the site—the 2.48 acres of Orwell’s house and the nearby opium warehouse—a protected area under the Bihar Ancient Monuments Protection Act (1976).

Gandhi and Orwell were born thirty-four years apart, on opposite sides of the colonial divide. Orwell was not entirely comfortable with Gandhi, and he said as much plainly.

 “I have never been able to feel much liking for Gandhi, but I do not feel sure that as a political thinker he was wrong in the main, nor do I believe that his life was a failure,” he wrote in his 1949 book Reflections on Gandhi.

The temptation, with a life like his, is to make it into a monument. To begin in Motihari, pass through Burma and Spain, arrive at 1984, and call the journey complete. Orwell’s life resists such manichean characterisation.

And perhaps, no one understood that better than Orwell himself.

“Autobiography is only to be trusted when it reveals something disgraceful,” he wrote in “Benefit of Clergy: Some Notes on Salvador Dali” (1984).

“A man who gives a good account of himself is probably lying, since any life when viewed from the inside is simply a series of defeats.” – The Print, 25 June 2026

Preksha is a TPSJ alumnus currently interning with ThePrint.

Sita Ram Goel’s essay added in the US Congressional Record – Sandeep Balakrishna

Sita Ram Goel

Sita Ram Goel’s essay has an enduring value and provides an extraordinary window to understand both that period—the 1940s—and what is unfolding today in India and elsewhere. – Sandeep Balakrishna

Introduction

The deserved fame of Ram Swarup and Sita Ram Goel as the pioneers of sculpting and disseminating original and penetrating critiques of Islam and Christianity has overshadowed their equally original and substantial contributions in dismantling Communism and Marxism at a time when it had a stranglehold on India’s political, economic, societal, educational and institutional life. That calls for an independent study in its own right.

Beginning in the late 1940s, they launched the trailblazing Society for the Defence of Freedom in Asia, an organisation dedicated to blasting Communism in all its forms. Sita Ram Goel also occasionally wrote for other publications both in India and abroad giving recurrent warnings about this genocidal ideology.

In 1956, he submitted a comparative analysis that dealt with capitalism, communism, dialectical materialism and the American political and social system to a conservative U.S. magazine. The magazine rejected it. However, it was picked up by a French scholar working for the NATO, who cited it. That attracted the attention of a West German magazine, which then published it in full. The interesting element was the fact that the magazine was being published by refugees from Stalin’s USSR. Given the fact that the Cold War was at its peak at that time, the antlers of the U.S. immediately stood alert. Goel’s article then promptly found its way to the U.S. Congressional Record.

By all accounts, the essay is not only eye-opening but has an enduring value and provides an extraordinary window to understand both that period and what is unfolding today both in India and elsewhere.

Sita Ram Goel’s analysis is narrated in the form of a conversation that he had with an imaginary friend who recounts his experiences of attending an international seminar. Excerpts of the essay follow.

A Nightmarish Interpretation of Waking Life

It was a nightmarish interpretation of waking life.

A bunch of Indian eggheads had gathered in a highbrow seminar to compile an inventory of US sins. The roll was quite formidable. Monopoly capitalism, dollar imperialism, H-bomb militarism, MacCarthy fascism, negro-lynching racialism, alcoholism, crime fiction, horror comics, juvenile delinquency, jazz music, and coca cola. Dante’s inferno erupted right in our midst.

The young swami in saffron looked bored and unimpressed. His lips twirled in a gesture of contempt as he surveyed the august assembly. Then he stood up, and summarily dismissed the eggheads as denizens of darkness dishing out dirt and disease. The singular sin of the United States, he said, was Dialectical Materialism.

The eggheads stabbed him with hostile stares which soon exploded in angry outbursts. How did this swine of a swami steal into the company of sober scientists? It was suggested that his person be subjected to thorough search. Some crevice of his ridiculous robe was suspected of being loaded with dollar bills. But better counsels prevailed and the seminar dispersed hastily. The holy hoax was not worth an audience.

I accosted the swami on the road outside. He certainly seemed to be a very interesting man. Absolutely convinced. And immovably calm in a world where convictions created convulsions of hatred and righteousness. Very soon, I was sitting before him on a lawn, trying to share his uncanny insight. He smiled indulgently and spoke in simple terms:

“The United States has an idea. Democracy. She has practised it for long, and has prospered on it. There is no doubt that she cherishes the idea with sincere devotion. Her one ambition is to share it with every other country. And she spends billions to spread and safeguard it in all parts of the world.

“What does she do? She proclaims that democracy can be distilled from the standard of living. So let every country improve its agriculture and industry, and develop schools, cinemas, railways, roads. Let there be taller and heavier bodies which last better and longer. Let everyone have fruit juice for breakfast, wear a silk hat, ride a Mercedes, and giggle at Marylin Monroe. And democracy will develop to the detriment of all other ideas.

“The United States protests that democracy must perforce depend upon dictators who can push through plans for industrialization. She seeks out the Nehrus, Nassers, and Sukarnos who have power, prestige and pugnacity. She turns a deaf ear to the denunciations they daily hurl at her. Dip them with another darned good dose of dollars, and in due course they shall deliver democracy. That is the formula.

“The United States cannot bother about blighters who believe in democracy, and who write and fight for it. After all, the miserable scribes have no power to persecute or protect. She cannot waste her august attention on inspired idiots and discredited do-nothings. She cannot afford to provoke people in power for a pack of funny friends, hated and hunted by their own people. No. She is practical. And she is precise.

“Now, all this is exactly what we know as Dialectical Materialism. In the universe presided over by this deity, consciousness oozes out of matter like oil from sunflower seeds, ideas are concomitants of material changes, and the human mind an effeminate evolute of the human body. It is a universe of objective and subjective necessities, in which there is no freedom and, therefore, no place for faith.”

There was a pause. I gave him my reactions. I had suddenly become very optimistic about peaceful coexistence, now that I knew that both the Soviet Union and the United States shared the same creed. The Swami laughed aloud and said:

“Who told you the Soviet Union promotes Dialectical Materialism? That is a damned lie, as big as the other lie that the United States promotes Humanism. The Soviet Union only sells Dialectical Materialism to those she wants to defeat and destroy. As for herself, she stands for what in philosophy we call Idealism, a rigorous and uncompromising type of Idealism.

“The Soviet Union too has an idea. Totalitarianism. She has polished and perfected it over the years. She is passionately dedicated to it. She wants this idea to prevail permanently, for, without it, she sees no hope for humanity. And she also spends billions to spell and secure it in every corner of the world.

“What does she do? She propounds that the standard of living and much more follow from faith in totalitarianism. She elaborates the idea in an unending stream of books, pamphlets, posters, handbills, and films, produced in every language and suited to the lowest intelligence and the meanest pocket. She employs an army of men and women to retail this idea on a mass scale in order to convert or corrode as many people as possible, and to ultimately impose it with force of arms in true crusading fashion.

“The material conditions may differ from Czechoslovakia to Albania to Tibet. But they are all equally ripe for totalitarianism. The triumphal march of an idea does not and should not depend on any material preparation. The idea cannot and should not wait for slow and stupid material changes. What the idea needs is human minds, their craving for it. The minds can be captured and the craving created by means of books and the party apparatus.

“Nor does the Soviet Union seek for any credentials of power or prestige in choosing her friends. All she cares for is their convictions. Let the convinced ones be obscure and unknown. She makes them famous overnight by powerful publicity. Let the convinced ones be poor. She makes them prosperous by placing them in her paid hierarchy. Let the convinced ones be hated by their own people. She makes them loved by discovering in them virtues which no one ever suspected.

“If you can turn a phrase, you can be turned into a world famous author, without your ever bothering to write a line. People everywhere will be informed by the Soviet network that your wonderful works are under translation. Royalties on enormous editions will come pouring into your pocket. And so on, you can be a renowned scientist, or doctor, or lawyer, or musician, or poet, or priest, as it suits your taste, and go about as an honoured guest in every capital of the world. All you have to do is to believe in and seek for totalitarianism, and the rest in added unto you.

“This is not Dialectical Materialism. This is Idealism, according to which consciousness converses with consciousness as one lamp is lighted by another, ideas implement ideas, and one human mind meets another, directly without any material aid. In this universe, the ill-fed and ill-clad underdogs have as much capacity as their more privileged fellow-beings. For, this is the universe of freedom, and of faith.”

There was another pause. I was too flabbergasted to offer any comment. After a while, the swami himself resumed:

“You were talking of peaceful coexistence. I do not know what that phrase really means. What I see before my eyes is a neat division of labour between the United States and the Soviet Union, at least in this part of the world. The United States is trying to take care of our bodies, our hearths, and our homes. The Soviet Union is taking care of our heads, and showing extreme concern for our mental, moral and spiritual needs.

“The United States builds schools and spreads literacy among the peasants. The Soviet Union provides them the newspapers they read. The United States erects factories in which the workers can earn a livelihood. The Soviet Union bands them into trade unions, trains their leaders, and gives them a cause to die for. The United States gives scholarships to promising students for studies abroad. The Soviet Union equips them with political glasses through which they can survey the world. The United States builds hospitals and furnishes them with soft beds and rare medical supplies. The Soviet Union indoctrinates the nurses who attend and attract the patients. The United States spends on library premises. The Soviet Union stocks the shelves within with her own choice of literature. The United States pampers regime after regime with the paraphernalia for pomp. The Soviet Union creates an elite capable of possessing power in every land….”

The swami looked at his watch, and stood up. He was now in a hurry. I accompanied him to the nearest bus stand, and shot my only question at him: “Why do you think Dialectical Materialism is a sin?” He raised his eyebrows, looked grim, and whispered:

“I am a man of God. I have seen Him face to face, even as I see you. I know He is pure, unmixed Consciousness. Self-existing, All-sustaining and Blissful Consciousness.”

And then suddenly pointing his well-shaped finger towards a heap of dirt, he roared: “Dialectical Materialism says that Mahatma Gandhi and Albert Einstein evolved out of that filth. That is blasphemy. And a sin. A cardinal sin.”

I woke up with a start. There was no swami, no bus stand, and no heap of dirt. Instead, I lay in a bed scattered with the writings of the Right Reverend Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. Perhaps I had been bored to an early doze by his bad paraphrase of Communist scriptures.

Epilogue

That is how Sita Ram Goe’s brilliant essay concludes. More than three decades later, he adds an epilogue of sorts, notable for its Goelesque sucker punch. The punch is also a handy guide for those who wish to follow the path he laid down in order to effectively combat and defeat all these nihilistic, soul-crushing and civilisation-destroying ideologies.

India is the home of Sanatana Dharma, a world-view which is at once eternal and universally valid. All other spiritual world-views have imprisoned themselves within the confines of a particular book, or a particular prophet, or a particular church. Sanatana Dharma alone rises above all sectarian semantics and sophistry, and takes us straight into that sunshine of the Supreme Spirit which has sanctioned the rise and spread of Communism, and which will sanction its death and destruction as well. Let the spirit of Sanatana Dharma re-awaken and spread once more in the land of its first though immemorial dawns. Let us look at Pandit Nehru and his hoodlums from the vantage point of that spirit. Then we shall see immediately as to who is the arch-villain in this dismal drama, and stop wasting our time and energy in weeping and whining against mere minions like Comrade Krishna Menon.

 This attitude, this spirit and this call to be energetic is eminently relevant today more than ever, and will remain so till the aforementioned arch-villains are put in their proper place. – Dharma Dispatch, 5 Februaru 2021

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China is Red with Peasans Blood - Sita Ram Goel