Romila Thapar and the collapse of the ‘eminent’ Marxist monopoly – Utpal Kumar

Romila Thapar

The real challenge before Indian historiography today is not the existence of competing narratives, but the treatment of one ideological school as the sole custodian of intellectual legitimacy while dismissing all dissent as ignorance. – Utpal Kumar ‘

Sometimes the crisis of Indian historiography can be captured through a single viral clip.

In the video, eminent historian Romila Thapar confidently claims that Patanjali described the relationship between Brahmins and Sramanas as being like that between a snake and a mongoose. It is a striking image, perfectly suited to the Marxist interpretation of ancient Bharat as a perpetual battlefield of social conflict. There is, however, one problem: the passage does not exist in Patanjali’s Mahabhashya. As author Nityananda Mishra explains in the viral clip, Patanjali refers to Sramanas and Brahmins together only once, and even there the snake-mongoose analogy is absent. Interestingly, the same claim had appeared in Thapar’s earlier works, including Interpreting Early India (1992) and Cultural Pasts (2000).

This incident is important not merely because it reveals the truth about a disputed quotation. It is important because it raises uncomfortable questions about the authority exercised by certain schools of Indian historiography and the reluctance within parts of academia to subject “eminent” historians to the same scrutiny they routinely apply to others.

For decades, a relatively small ideological circle dominated the country’s historical discourse. Their influence rested not merely on scholarship, but also on institutional power. They wrote textbooks, controlled college and university departments, influenced media narratives, and determined who truly qualified to be a “serious” historian. Those who questioned them were dismissed as communal, revivalist, unscientific, or simply “unqualified”. The irony, of course, is that many of these guardians of “scientific history” were themselves shielded from the most elementary standards of scrutiny.

That immunity is now gone.

Romila Thapar’s recent memoir, Just Being, reflects this anxiety. She laments the growing influence of what she calls “non-historians” in shaping public understandings of the past and argues that official support is increasingly going towards narratives different from those produced by “professionally trained historians”.

“Until a decade or two ago,” Thapar writes, “historical scholarship was not interfered with by unqualified people. That situation has now changed. The perception of history that is being popularised and has official backing is distinct from that which is being researched by scholars. The two are moving in opposite directions. The danger is that the latter may be nullified by the official support given to the former.”

The complaint reveals a deeper unease. After all, the first time since Independence, Marxist historiography in the country no longer enjoys uncontested intellectual authority. It is this erosion of monopoly, more than disagreement itself, that seems to have generated such anxiety, if not anger.

If one looks back, the country’s “eminent” historians evaded intellectual accountability for most of the post-Independence era. In fact, the only time they were put in the dock—quite literally—was when they went to the Allahabad High Court as “expert witnesses” in the Ram Janmabhoomi case. The Ayodhya case was unusual because it compelled our “professionally trained” historians to leave classrooms and seminar halls to enter a courtroom, where claims had to withstand cross-examination rather than ideological consensus. As author Arvind Singh writes in India’s Rogue Historians, the Ram Janmabhoomi dispute was “perhaps the only instance where Marxist historiography was weighed on jurisprudence”.

The results were devastating. One after another, “expert witnesses” collapsed under cross-examination. Behind the intimidating academic reputations lay conjecture, second-hand assumptions, ideological certainties, and in some cases startling unfamiliarity with the very primary evidence on which they claimed expertise.

One striking example was Prof Suresh Chandra Mishra, who appeared before the court as an expert witness and epigraphist. Prof Mishra initially claimed that inscriptions found at the disputed structure were written in Arabic. Later, he revised the statement and said they were in Persian. Eventually, under cross-examination, he admitted that he knew neither Persian nor Arabic. The contradiction was devastating because epigraphic expertise necessarily depends upon linguistic competence.

The matter became even more awkward when Prof. Mishra claimed he had compared the inscriptions with passages from the Baburnama, which he said he carried inside the disputed premises. When he was cornered by the other side, which argued that one was not allowed to carry anything inside, he changed his statement again, saying he had relied on memory to compare the inscriptions after coming out of the site. Justice Sudhir Agarwal dryly noted this “wonderful memory”, particularly given Mishra’s admission that he knew “neither Persian nor Arabic”.

Then came archaeologist Suraj Bhan, another prominent figure of the academic establishment. His credentials appeared impressive in public debates, but under oath the limitations became apparent. Despite holding degrees involving Sanskrit, he admitted he could neither read nor speak the language. Justice Agarwal observed that Bhan “has not read the text of the inscriptions as published in different books from time to time and had no occasion to compare them”, and that parts of his testimony rested on “pure conjecture and surmise”.

Similarly, Prof. Suvira Jaiswal reportedly acknowledged that, despite appearing as an “expert witness” in the Ayodhya case, she had not read key primary sources such as the Baburnama. Another star expert witness, Prof. Shirin Musavi, reportedly stated that she had never personally visited Ayodhya to examine the disputed structure; she believed such examination was unnecessary for a historian.

These were the historians who were supported and patronised, often openly, by the country’s leading historians led by Romila Thapar, R.S. Sharma, D.N. Jha and Irfan Habib, among others. It is interesting that while these second-rank historians took the lead in supporting the Babri Masjid cause, the top historians avoided doing so. They knew the pitfalls of their historiography. They knew it would not withstand cross-questioning. They were also not used to being questioned in public.

The case exposes a contradiction at the heart of elite academic discourse in the country. Historians who insist upon methodological rigour and denounce dissenters as “non-historians” were themselves, in a case as significant as Ayodhya, found relying on assumptions, ideological predispositions, or incomplete engagement with primary evidence.

The larger issue, however, is not that historians can make mistakes. Genuine scholarship always leaves room for error, revision and correction. The real problem is the culture of intellectual insulation that protected certain historians from sustained scrutiny for decades. Within academic and media ecosystems, their assertions were often treated as settled truth. Critical examination was discouraged because it threatened the ideological consensus that dominated post-Independence intellectual life.

The real challenge before Indian historiography today is not the existence of competing narratives. A confident civilisation can accommodate disagreements. The danger lies instead in treating one ideological school as the sole custodian of intellectual legitimacy while dismissing all dissent as ignorance.

Ironically, as Romila Thapar’s memoir itself suggests, the decline of intellectual monopolies often produces resentment. Much of the current anxiety and anger directed at “non-historians” appears rooted less in questions of qualification than in the loss of cultural and institutional control.

History does not—and cannot—belong permanently to any ideological priesthood. – Firstpost, 25 May 2026

Utpal Kumar is the author of the book, ‘Eminent Distorians: Twists and Truths in Bharat’s History’. 

Historian Cartoon

Marco Rubio and the Missionaries of Charity – Shravan K. Shukla

Marco Rubio & Sergio Gor

The US Secretary of State’s visit to the Missionaries of Charity, an organisation facing serious legal charges in Indian courts for forced conversions, child trafficking, and financial fraud is a flagrant disregard for India’s judicial system and internal security. – Shravan Kumar Shukla

United States Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s four-day visit to India has created a new political stir in the country. This is the first time in 14 years that a US Secretary of State has landed directly in Kolkata instead of the national capital, New Delhi. The last time a US representative landed straight in Kolkata was in 2012, when Hillary Clinton flew down to the city. But Rubio’s visit to Kolkata turned out to be highly controversial.

Upon reaching Kolkata, instead of attending any official or strategic event, he went straight to the headquarters (Mother House) of the Missionaries of Charity, founded by Mother Teresa.

Missionaries of Charity has been at the centre of intense Indian government surveillance, foreign funding restrictions, and serious allegations of violations of law over the past few years. Marco Rubio’s first visit to India upon his arrival and his closed-door meeting with the organisation’s officials do not look like mere diplomatic courtesy. In diplomatic circles, it is being seen as a concerted and strategic US effort to challenge India’s sovereignty and strengthen the global standing of the controversial Christian missionaries.

Let’s dive a little deeper to understand the entire incident and analyse the dark chapters and controversies associated with the Missionaries of Charity, which are echoing from the internet to the courts.

The controversy related to the government crackdown on funding, i.e., FCRA

The most significant administrative and financial conflict between the Missionaries of Charity and the Indian government emerged in December 2021. The Union Home Ministry completely halted the renewal of the organisation’s foreign funding license under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA). The Ministry had strong input that the large sums of money received by the organisation from abroad in the name of donations were being used for activities that were detrimental to the national interest.

Besides, the organisation failed to furnish the financial documents and account details required for the audit on time, which raised serious questions about its financial transparency. The administrative action sparked a major political storm within the country. The then-Chief Minister of West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee, and several opposition parties, including the Congress, baselessly accused the central government of targeting minorities.

The government took a firm stance on this matter, clarifying that it had not frozen any accounts, but the institution itself had submitted a request to the State Bank of India to freeze its accounts. Later, in January 2022, after being surrounded from all sides, when the institution submitted the necessary documents and clarifications to the government, its registration was reinstated.

Forced conversions under the guise of service and hurting Hindu sentiments

The organisation has long been accused of cunningly converting poor Hindus under the guise of ‘service’ and ‘help’. The case relating to one of the organisation’s children’s homes (shelter homes) in Vadodara, Gujarat, was the most vivid and horrifying example of its vile activities.

In December 2021, District Social Security Officer Mayank Trivedi and the Child Welfare Committee conducted a surprise inspection of a girls’ home in the Makarpura area. The findings shocked administrative officials as well as the entire Hindu community.

The investigation team found that destitute Hindu girls living in the orphanage were being forced to read Christian religious texts (the Bible). These innocent girls were also forced to participate in Christian prayers and wear crosses around their necks. An FIR was registered at the Makarpura police station under the Gujarat Freedom of Religion Act, 2003, for hurting Hindu religious sentiments and for allegedly using allurement to convert. This despicable scheme, operating under the guise of service, was exposed when officials discovered that the organisation was bent on eradicating all signs of the original religion of the girls.

The investigation committee’s report made shocking revelations, including an instance when a Hindu girl was given to a Christian family against her will. Furthermore, Hindu girls were forcibly served non-vegetarian food (meat) in an attempt to corrupt their religious beliefs.

While Missionaries of Charity spokespersons, as usual, dismissed all these allegations as baseless and false, a joint investigation team comprising several departments, formed by the police and the district collector, found these allegations to be true, leading to legal action.

The ugly face of human trafficking, involving the buying and selling of newborn babies

Forced religious conversions are not the only illegal activity that the Missionaries of Charity has been accused of; the organisation was also involved in inhumane acts of selling newborn babies for money. The organisation’s ugly face came to light in 2018 at one of its shelter homes in Ranchi, Jharkhand.

In Ranchi, the police arrested two Sisters (nuns) of the Missionaries of Charity red-handed while they were illegally trafficking newborn babies. This incident exposed the horrific network of child trafficking operating under the ‘holy’ and ‘compassionate’ facade of the organisation founded by Mother Teresa.

Considering the grave nature of the activities, the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) directly approached the Supreme Court. The Commission urged the country’s highest court to establish a Special Investigation Team (SIT) under Supreme Court supervision to investigate the mysterious disappearances and sale of children from shelter homes run by these Christian missionary organisations.

The Commission alleged that the then government officials of Jharkhand adopted a very lax attitude in such a sensitive matter, and continuous efforts were made to suppress the investigation of this big racket.

The statistics revealed during the Commission’s in-depth investigation were horrifying and shocking. Between 2015 and 2018, approximately 450 destitute and impoverished pregnant women were admitted to this shelter home in Ranchi. However, when the records were examined, only 170 children were legally recorded.

The organisation had no information about the remaining 280 newborns, including where they went or what happened to them. Following this confirmation, the Supreme Court issued notices to the governments of nine states, including Jharkhand, West Bengal, Assam, and Bihar, and ordered an investigation into this human trafficking ring.

The Dark Truth of Mother Teresa – Deceit, Hypocrisy and the “Ghoul of Kolkata”

The Indian Constitution calls for the development of a scientific temper and a sense of rationality in every citizen. However, the entire process of Mother Teresa’s canonisation by the Vatican was based on blatant superstition, hypocrisy, and a direct insult to medical science.

To canonise Teresa, the Vatican made the ridiculous claim that simply touching her portrait cured people of incurable cancers and tumours overnight. Indian doctors and intellectuals denounced this as sheer sorcery for misleading people and promoting superstition.

Renowned British author Christopher Hitchens, in his acclaimed book The Missionary Position, blasted Mother Teresa’s hypocritical image. He directly referred to her as the “Ghoul of Kolkata”. Hitchens’s compelling argument was that Teresa’s institute was not dedicated to providing modern treatment to the suffering, but instead deprived the sick and the dying of modern medicine, leaving them to suffer. The sick were told that their suffering was divine punishment for their sins, and that they should endure it silently and without complaint.

The research of NRI Dr Arup Chatterjee is considered most significant in exposing the sordid truths of this organisation. He conducted on-ground research on the organisation’s operations for nearly 25 years and exposed all its dark deeds in his authoritative book, Mother Teresa: The Untold Story.

In the book, Dr Chatterjee stated that the organisation received billions and billions of rupees in donations from around the world, yet patients at its Kolkata centres lacked even basic medical facilities, clean needles, and painkillers. The Indian government was never given any account of where this vast sum of money disappeared.

Support from global powers and a controversial political nexus

Mother Teresa’s entire life was filled with controversies, radical statements, and stories of accepting donations from the world’s most notorious criminals and corrupt figures. When she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1979, she shocked the world by declaring in her speech that the greatest threat to global peace was not nuclear weapons or war, but abortion. This deeply conservative and anti-women statement was strongly condemned by modern society and women’s rights organisations worldwide, clearly revealing her narrow religious agenda.

In 1984, when the devastating gas tragedy struck Bhopal, India, killing thousands of innocent people, Mother Teresa went there to offer solace. But instead of fighting for justice, she offered the victims the suicidal advice of quietly forgiving the corporate culprit, Union Carbide.

Mother Teresa at Union Carbide, Bhopal.

Critics firmly believe that she consistently served as an agent of Western corporate powers and governments, such as Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher. Furthermore, she accepted a $1.25 million donation from the notorious American financial fraudster Charles Keating and later defended him in court.

The US effort to provide oxygen to Christian missionaries

Despite all these murky controversies, lawsuits, and serious allegations of human trafficking surrounding the organisation, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s decision to visit the Missionaries of Charity as soon as he arrived in India appears to be a deliberate political plot. International affairs analysts believe that the US has consistently employed a devious policy of exerting strategic pressure on developing countries by using the false facade of “religious freedom” and “human rights.”

Rubio’s visit is actually an open attempt to provide oxygen to these missionaries who have been financially and socially weakened due to the tough stance of the Indian government, and revive them at the global level.

The US Secretary of State’s personal visit to an organisation facing serious legal charges in Indian courts for forced conversions, child trafficking, and financial fraud is tantamount to a flagrant disregard for India’s judicial system and internal security. Washington intends to convey the message through this visit that it stands as a shield for these Christian networks operating in India. – Opindia, 24 May 2026

Shravan Kumar Shukla is multimedia journalist passionate about digital media. He has been actively engaged in journalism, working across diverse platforms including agencies, news channels, and print publications. 

See also

  1. Kolkata will take a century to recover from Mother Teresa – Aroup Chatterjee
  2. How Mother Teresa became a saint – Christopher Hitchens
  3. Mother Teresa’s troubled legacy – S. Bedford
  4. Mother Teresa: More dirt on the saint of the gutters – Jayant Chowdhury
  5. Aroup Chatterjee: Revealing the whole truth about Mother Teresa – Kai Schultz
  6. St Teresa: The hypocrisy of it all – Jayant Chowdhury
  7. The scandal of Mother Teresa’s sainthood – Canterbury Atheist
  8. Mother Teresa defended notorious paedophile priest – Nelson Jones
  9. Mommie Dearest – Christopher Hitchens
  10. Nobel Prize acceptance speech – Mother Teresa
  11. To many critics, Mother Teresa is still no saint –  Adam Taylor
  12. Mother Teresa and her millions – Susan Shields & Walter Wuellenweber
  13. The ‘miracle’ that makes a saint out of Mother Teresa – Jaideep Mazumdar
  14. Mother Teresa was “anything but a saint” say research scholars – Kounteya Sinha
  15. Indian Rationalists question mother Teresa’s ovarian miracle – Sanal Edamaruku
  16. Mother Teresa brainwashed Hindus and fuelled an insurgency, claim BJP leaders – Andrew Marszal
  17. Is canonising Mother Teresa the Vatican’s strategy to gain ground in India? – Sandeep B.
  18. VIDEOS: Mother Teresa and her cult of suffering – Christopher Hitchens, Aroup Chatterjee & Others

Mother Teresa with Charles Keating

Trump’s endgame is surrender – Robert Kagan

Donald Trump

Trump no doubt hopes that he can slip away without Americans noticing the magnitude of this defeat. … The President may also hope that he can change the subject by launching another military operation, this time against the government in Cuba. And the news media have indeed begun writing more about Cuba than about the unfolding disaster in Iran. – Robert Kagan

The outlines of President Trump’s endgame in the Iran war are now emerging. In a phone call with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu yesterday, Trump reportedly explained that the United States was negotiating a “letter of intent” with Iran that would “formally end the war and launch a 30-day period of negotiations” on Iran’s nuclear program and the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz. The purpose and effect of such an agreement should be clear: The United States is walking away from the crisis. Trump may launch another limited strike to look tough and satisfy the demands of the war’s supporters, but it would be a performative gesture. Endgame in this case is a euphemism for “surrender.”

Trump has blinked many times in the confrontation with Iran—ever since March 18, when Israel attacked the Pars gas field and Iran retaliated with a strike against Qatar’s most important natural-gas-production facility. Trump then called for a halt on U.S. and Israeli targeting of Iran’s energy infrastructure, and the war effectively ended.

Trump’s repeated threats to resume attacks since then have proved to be bluffs. The leaders in Tehran have been calculating for two months that Trump would not launch another attack, and for this reason they have made no concessions despite the damage they suffered from 37 days of relentless strikes. On the contrary, their terms for a settlement are those of a victor: They demand war reparations, no limits on uranium enrichment, recognized control of the strait, and an end to sanctions.

For Trump to respond to this defiance by now calling for another 30 days of cease-fire and talks is a tacit admission of defeat. If he does launch a performative attack in the next few days, the Iranians will understand it for what it is. No one believes that he is going to resume a full-scale war a month from now. Among other reasons, with 30 more days to heal, rearm, and fill its coffers with tolls, Iran will be a more formidable adversary.

In 30 days, moreover, the new Iranian strait regime may already be firmly in place. As the Institute for the Study of War reports, Iran has been using the cease-fire period to “normalize” its control over the strait by “compelling oil-importing countries” to establish transit agreements with Tehran and charging fees on vessels from nations without such deals. According to Iranian officials, the new strait regime will give Iran’s strategic partners, such as Russia and China, priority and allow nations friendly to Iran, such as India and Pakistan, to negotiate their own transit agreements. Vessels associated with nations that Iran regards as an adversary will be denied access to the strait entirely.

Several nations, including South Korea, Turkey, and Iraq, are reportedly already negotiating at least temporary transit agreements. Now that Trump has made clear he has no intention of fighting to reopen the strait, the stampede to get good terms with Tehran will begin. All nations heavily dependent on energy from the Persian Gulf will want to cut their deal quickly to get the oil and gas and other commodities flowing and rescue their battered economy. Those nations currently allied with the United States and friendly to Israel will feel pressure to distance themselves and make their peace with Iran. The international sanctions against Iran will collapse, and even more money will pour into the country’s accounts as its newly central role in the global economy becomes normalized. By the end of 30 days, most of the world will have a stake in the new arrangement and will oppose any resumption of hostilities, even in the unlikely event that Trump wanted to go back to war.

Trump no doubt hopes that he can slip away without Americans noticing the magnitude of this defeat. The financial markets may stabilize if it is clear that oil will eventually start flowing again through a reopened strait, even if under the new Iran-controlled system. A major strategic setback for the United States need not affect Wall Street. The president may also hope that he can change the subject by launching another military operation, this time against the government in Cuba. And the news media have indeed begun writing more about Cuba than about the unfolding disaster in Iran.

According to one U.S. official, Netanyahu’s “hair was on fire” after the call with Trump—for good reason. The Iran war may end up as the single most devastating blow to Israel’s security in its brief history. On the present trajectory, Iran will emerge from the conflict many times stronger and more influential than it was before the war. It will exercise leverage with dozens of the richest nations in the world, all of which will have an acute interest in keeping Iran happy. They will be unlikely to take Israel’s side in any conflict that it has with Tehran or with its proxies in Lebanon and Gaza, because Iran will have the means to punish them if they do. Israel will emerge more isolated than it has been at any time in its history—and not least from its only reliable protector, the United States. When Trump turns his back on Israel, as he must do to implement this policy, MAGA will gladly follow. The bipartisan anti-Israel consensus in the United States will grow and harden.

Will Israel go gentle into this good night? That is the wild card that may disrupt the financial markets’ dreams of a new stability in the Gulf. A stronger, richer, more influential Iran will mean new life for Hamas and Hezbollah. It will mean the end of the Abraham Accords, as the Gulf States will have to make their own peace with Tehran so that their economies can survive. Trump says that Netanyahu “will do whatever I want him to do.” But can Israel stand by while Iran replaces the United States as the arbiter of power in the region?

Most likely, the new normal in the Persian Gulf will be chronic instability and frequent disruptions in shipping. That’s what happens when the hegemon cedes hegemony. – The Atlantic, 21 May 2026

Robert Kagan is an author, a contributing writer for The Atlantic, and a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution.

Trump Cartoon

 

 

India missed making an informed civilisational argument in Oslo – Hindol Sengupta

Governor-General of Norway, Ulrik Frederik Gyldenløve, with his slave boy Christian Hansen Ernst.

The Norwegian journalist asked why India should be trusted. The civilisational answer was sitting right there, unharvested: trust a civilisation that has never started a world war, never built a slave empire, and never enriched itself by selling the fuels that now threaten the poorest nations on earth. – Hindol Sengupta

Faced with a belligerent Norwegian commentator asking why India should be trusted, and questioning the country’s human rights record, the spokesperson for the Indian Ministry of External Affairs reached for India’s history as a civilisational state.

But in the responses talking about the discovery of zero and yoga, among other things, the point did not land. The defence was not without merit. But it was strategically incomplete, tonally defensive, and squandered what was, in fact, a rare and powerful opportunity.

There were many strong points, derived from the civilisational argument, that could have been made. And here are some of them.

First, the question itself should have been reversed. India is not a supplicant. It does not seek to present its ‘credentials’ to Norway, a country that has barely a fraction of the population of Delhi NCR. The question should have been redirected precisely at the premise of the question. The issue was not whether India is perfect. The issue was who Norway was to ask, and more precisely, what standards of ‘trustworthiness’ the questioner herself represents.

India’s civilisational history teaches us that in at least 5,000 years of history, it has never developed a comparable overseas colonial empire to those of Europe, did not build its modern wealth on settler-colonial extermination abroad, nor exterminate indigenous populations. It never operated a transatlantic slave trade. It never carved up other countries at a conference table. It was, in fact, the colonised, not the coloniser, drained of trillions of dollars in wealth by the British Empire.

Norway, on the other hand, has a different history. Denmark-Norway operated one of the earliest slave trades in the Caribbean between the 17th and 19th centuries. The very prosperity that gives Norwegians their confident moral perch—the sovereign wealth fund, the social safety net, the press freedom rankings—was partly constructed on centuries of resource extraction, colonial administration, and the systematic suppression of the Sámi people, Norway’s own indigenous population, whose language, religion and land were stripped from them by state policy well into the 20th century. As recently as 1997, it emerged that Norway had operated a coercive sterilisation programme targeting “social undesirables”—overwhelmingly the Roma and the Sámi—until 1977.

A civilisation-state argument in Oslo should have begun here: India knows what it is to be judged and subjugated by people who did not first examine themselves.

Norway manages the world’s largest sovereign wealth fund, now valued at over $2 trillion, seeded almost entirely by North Sea oil and gas revenues. It positions itself as a global champion of climate action and environmental sustainability, yet oil and gas account for around 60 per cent of Norway’s total goods exports. Norway is the world’s third-largest natural gas exporter. The country gets rich selling the very fossil fuels that are submerging low-lying countries like India’s neighbour Bangladesh, threatening Indian monsoons, and forcing Pacific Island nations towards extinction—and then dispatches journalists and NGOs to interrogate the democratic credentials of the countries most exposed to climate consequences.

India, by contrast, has committed to 500 GW of renewable energy by 2030, is the world’s third-largest solar market, and is bearing the adaptation costs of a climate crisis it did not create. Per capita, India’s emissions remain a fraction of Norway’s. India’s spokesperson should have asked, calmly and firmly: on the question of who can be trusted with the planet’s future, which country’s record warrants scrutiny?

Norway presents itself as a global peacemaker, home of the Nobel Peace Prize, the Oslo Accords, and the Nansen Passport. These are genuine contributions. But Norway is also a significant arms exporter, selling weapons to countries with documented human rights concerns through loopholes in its laws, and it has faced repeated criticism for approving export licences that its own ethics processes flagged as problematic. A country cannot simultaneously auction off the Peace Prize brand and arm combatants. The question of trustworthiness cuts in multiple directions.

Here lies the most pointed civilisational contrast. Norway, with its vast oil wealth, world-class public services, and near-total ethnic homogeneity until recently, has found it profoundly difficult to integrate immigrants of non-European origin. Its child welfare service, Barnevernet, has been condemned by the European Court of Human Rights in the majority of judgements against it, with documented bias against immigrant families, including Indian families, whose normal cultural practices were criminalised as ‘improper parenting’.

India manages the coexistence of 22 officially recognised languages, hundreds of dialects, every major religion, and a democracy of nearly a billion registered voters, all while lifting more people out of poverty in a single generation than most countries have ever had as their entire population. It is not a perfect record. But it is not a civilisation that needs lectures from a country that has never governed anything remotely as diverse, as large, or as historically in need of development.

The mistake of the Indian spokesperson was not that he pushed back. It was that he pushed back defensively, as if India were a defendant in Norway’s dock. The civilisational argument, properly deployed, does not defend India; it reframes the entire premise. It asks the questioner to justify her own inheritance before auditing someone else’s.

India’s civilisational identity is not a museum of ancient achievements. It is an argument about strategic restraint: a civilisation with long traditions of commerce, absorption, and plural coexistence; one that was colonised; that absorbed even invaders and made them Indian; that has understood, in its deepest traditions, that diversity is not a problem to manage but the irreducible nature of a complex world.

The Norwegian journalist asked why India should be trusted. The civilisational answer was sitting right there, unharvested: trust a civilisation that has never started a world war, never built a slave empire, and never enriched itself by selling the fuels that now threaten the poorest nations on earth. The answer to ‘why trust India?’ is simply this—because India is the country that has been on the receiving end of every accusation it is now being asked to answer for, and is still here, still democratic, still standing. That is the response Oslo needed. It was not given. Next time, it should be. – Firstpost, 20 May 2026

Hindol Sengupta is an award-winning historian and author of 13 books. He is professor of international relations at O.P. Jindal Global University, NCR.

Norway Arms Trader

Sanatan Dharma: Neither defender nor detractor care to know its true nature – Acharya Prashant

Nachiketa & Yama

Man carries a longing for light and liberation, a restlessness with his own condition that no amount of material satisfaction resolves. … Those who wish to eradicate Sanatan Dharma should be required to specify what they propose to put in its place, because the longing it addresses does not go away when the tradition addressing it is removed. – Acharya Prashant

The word “Sanatan” means eternal. It is now among the most fiercely contested words in Indian public life, invoked often to denounce, defend or mobilise with an urgency that might suggest the arguers have some acquaintance with the tradition the word names. The urgency disguises a near-universal absence of that acquaintance. This is the characteristic condition of a tradition that has survived for several millennia: its label is loudly possessed while its philosophical core is quietly unread. A label offers identity without the cost of inquiry; the tradition’s core offers inquiry without the comfort of a pre-settled identity. These are incompatible offers, and the parties who fight most loudly over the label are, on both sides of every recurring controversy, determined to take the first and avoid the second.

When Udayanidhi Stalin declared in 2023 that Sanatan Dharma was like dengue, malaria, and the coronavirus, that it could not merely be opposed but had to be eradicated, and then renewed the substance of those remarks more recently, the response played out with perfect predictability. Defenders massed on one flank, critics on the other, and the noise between them was considerable. What the noise did not contain was any careful examination of the thing being argued about. The straw man, in which one constructs a distorted image of an opponent’s position and directs the criticism at the distortion, was not the property of one side alone. Critics attacked a version of Sanatan Dharma that bears little resemblance to what the term philosophically denotes. Defenders rushed to protect a version of Sanatan Dharma they have largely never read. In the middle, the actual philosophical tradition sat untouched by either party, as irrelevant to the noise as a library to a riot outside its doors.

The critics have genuine grievances that must be acknowledged without evasion. Caste discrimination, patriarchy, the ritual exploitation of the vulnerable, the sanctification of social hierarchy in the language of the sacred: these are real, documented, and still operative. Tamil Nadu’s history with precisely these abuses is not contested, and Periyar’s long campaign against them represents one of modern India’s more serious engagements with social oppression. His visit to Kashi, where he witnessed the conditions around the ghats and was then turned away from a feeding hall for not being a Brahmin, his years of questioning at Vaishnava religious gatherings as a young man, his decades of work against the abuse of caste authority: none of this is mythology. When a politician from that tradition objects to the spread of practices that historically served to brutalise the vulnerable, the objection carries genuine moral force. The criticism arrives from lived experience, not from ignorance of it.

Warranted indignation, however, is not the same as accurate targeting, and accurate targeting requires knowing what one is targeting. The social evils that animated Periyar did not arise from the philosophical core of the tradition called Sanatan Dharma. They arose from the ego’s characteristic capacity to commandeer any available language in service of exploitation. The animal within man, to use a formulation that appears in this tradition’s own diagnostic vocabulary, does not abandon its predatory instincts when it acquires the vocabulary of the sacred; it puts that vocabulary to use. The intention to exploit finds its cover in the language of religiosity, and thereafter the two are fused in public perception, so that attacking the exploitation feels like attacking the religion, and defending the religion feels like defending the exploitation. Both responses are mistaken, because the exploiter and the tradition the exploiter has hijacked are not the same thing.

If an unqualified practitioner causes harm in the name of medicine, that harm does not condemn the entire field; it condemns the practitioner’s departure from it. To use the malpractice as evidence that medicine itself must be eradicated is to punish the discipline for the quack’s crimes while leaving the quack untouched. This is precisely the structure of the argument against Sanatan Dharma. The social evils attributed to it were committed in its name, not in its spirit; to dispose of the tradition on this basis is to discard the antidote because the poison was administered in the same bottle.

The objection survives, of course, that if almost no one practices the antidote and the poison is what fills the bottles in actual circulation, the practical force of pointing to the antidote is limited. The honest answer is that the antidote is on the shelves where it has always been, untouched precisely because the work it demands is more difficult than the consolations of the poison. That untouched availability does not justify the poison; it indicts those who never opened the bottle.

What, then, does Sanatan Dharma actually mean? The answer lies in the tradition’s own language. The root “dharma” denotes that which is worth carrying, the fundamental obligation that one owes to one’s own existence. “Sanatan” denotes that which holds true irrespective of time, place, or circumstance. Together they name the obligation that is always operative. What in human experience qualifies as eternal in this sense? Ritual varies by village, belief varies by century, custom varies by caste and region and generation, all of these being local and contingent rather than eternal. What remains constant across all times, geographies, economic conditions, genders, and religious affiliations is the inner human condition: the restlessness, the fear, the greed, the bondage to desire and habit, the persistent registration that something is wrong within, that something essential is missing, that the ordinary strategies of accumulation and belonging have not and will not resolve the ache at the centre. This condition is neither Indian nor Hindu nor traceable to any particular scripture or founder. Every human being who has ever lived has inhabited it, whether in ancient Taxila or contemporary Tokyo. It does not abate with wealth or education or religious affiliation. It belongs, as the tradition itself diagnoses, to the structure of the ego that has not yet turned to look at itself. The dharma that arises from this eternal condition is equally universal: to move, through honest inquiry, from bondage toward understanding. This directional imperative, installed in the human situation itself, is what Sanatan Dharma names. Not a religion in the familiar sense of a founder and a creed and a list of compulsory observances, but a description of the ego’s most fundamental predicament and of what it owes itself in response.

A note on vocabulary is necessary before going further. The word “Atma,” which will recur, does not in this argument name a hidden substance behind the ego, a positive entity awaiting discovery once the ego is set aside. It names the limit of the ego’s reach, the point at which the categorising agent runs out of categories to apply. The classical commentators often used the word to name something positive, and the popular tradition has inherited this usage. The investigation conducted here is concerned with what the ego can honestly verify, and what it can verify is its own operations and the limit at which those operations terminate. Beyond that limit nothing can be said, including the claim that something positive lies there. The tradition’s most rigorous moments operate at this limit, not beyond it.

Man requires dharma precisely because he is not an animal. The animal inhabits its nature without remainder, and so requires no tradition, no scripture, no inquiry. Man is different. He carries a longing for light and liberation, a restlessness with his own condition that no amount of material satisfaction resolves. If that longing finds no honest framework through which to pursue movement toward dissolution, it does not disappear; it distorts. An ego denied a path toward its own dissolution does not stop seeking; it seeks more loudly, more violently, and in more dangerous directions. The consequences for any society that severs its population from a genuine dharmic orientation are not pleasant to contemplate. Those who wish to eradicate Sanatan Dharma should be required to specify what they propose to put in its place, because the longing it addresses does not go away when the tradition addressing it is removed.

What Sanatan Dharma actually is becomes clearer by examining what it is not. The tradition produced, over several thousand years spanning a geography from modern Afghanistan to Bengal and from Kashmir to Tamil Nadu, an enormous volume of text. Not all of it is of the same kind, and the confusion of kinds is one of the central sources of error in this debate. The tradition distinguishes sharply between shruti, that which was heard or revealed, and smriti, that which was remembered or composed. Shruti, which is to say the Vedas and the Upanishads that form their philosophical summit, constitutes the canonical core. Smriti, which includes the Manusmriti, the Puranas, and a vast body of supplementary texts, occupies a lower and explicitly derivative position. This distinction is built into the tradition’s own classification. The texts that contain the caste hierarchies, the patriarchal injunctions, the social regulations that the critics rightly find objectionable, belong overwhelmingly to the smriti category, and specifically to the Puranas, most of which were composed between a thousand and fifteen hundred years ago, vastly more recent than the Vedic core they claim to elaborate. The most widely practiced popular Hinduism today is largely pauranik, grounded in puranic stories and puranic ritual. Sanatan Dharma, properly understood, is Vedantic, grounded in the Upanishads, the Brahma Sutra, and the Bhagavad Gita. These are not the same thing.

It must be conceded that the classical commentators, including the greatest of them, did not always honour this hierarchy in their practical positions. Shankara, Ramanuja, and Madhva accepted the social authority of varnashrama in ways the upanishadic core does not require and in places actively contradicts. The lived tradition did not consistently operate on its own classification. The principal upanishadic corpus is itself heterogeneous: the Chandogya speaks of rebirth into “good wombs”; the Brihadaranyaka contains creation narratives that include varna; the Purusha Sukta of the Rig Veda is the well-known passage from which later commentators derived hereditary justification. These passages exist, and the honest reading acknowledges that the canonical core permits a caste-friendly interpretation. What the same corpus also contains, and contains in passages of unmistakable centrality, is the method that makes such interpretations impossible to sustain on the tradition’s own terms.

Consider how the method actually operates. In the Katha Upanishad, a young boy named Nachiketa approaches Yama, the Lord of Death, with a single question: what happens to a man after he dies, is there anything that remains, or does the matter end with the body? Yama, faced with the question, tries every available evasion. He offers Nachiketa long life, the kingship of the earth, wealth beyond reckoning, the company of women, sons and grandsons who will live a hundred years, anything at all in exchange for being released from the question. Nachiketa refuses each offer in turn. His refusals are not ornamental; they constitute the form of the inquiry. He says, in effect: these are the very things whose unsatisfactoriness produced my question; you cannot answer the question by offering me more of what produced it. The wealth will deplete, the kingdom will pass, the pleasures will end in their own exhaustion. The boy holds his position until the teaching he came for is delivered. Only when every comforting alternative to the actual question has been refused does the actual question receive its answer.

This is the form of the tradition. The student does not accept what is offered; he refuses everything offered until what is true is forced into the open. Authority does not settle the question; only the inquiry itself does. A tradition whose central texts operate this way cannot consistently produce a stable caste hierarchy, because the same method that demands the rejection of consolation in the search for truth demands the rejection of inherited social categories in the constitution of the self. The two refusals are the same refusal. The canonical core permits the caste reading, in the sense that scattered passages can be assembled into one; the canonical core’s method dissolves the caste reading, in the sense that the inquiry it demands cannot be conducted while one is still defending one’s inherited place in a hierarchy. The lived tradition often chose the assembly over the method. The unread tradition retains the method intact.

The Vajrasuchika Upanishad, though a minor and late text, makes the method explicit on this specific point. The student asks what caste is, and the teacher responds with a series of refutations. Can caste belong to the body? No, because all bodies arise from the same five elements. Can caste belong to Atma? No, because the word Atma names precisely the point at which the ego’s categories run out; nothing the ego adds can attach where the ego itself has not entered. The conclusion is unambiguous: caste belongs only to the ego, which is to say it is the ego’s construction, not a feature of any reality the ego did not itself produce.

The same dissolution operates throughout the principal Upanishads, not as a doctrine about caste but as the general method of the inquiry. Every egoic category, including but not limited to varna, is treated as the very obstruction the inquiry is designed to dissolve. To read the Ashtavakra Gita, which compresses the Sanatana spirit into one of its purest available forms, and to point to caste anywhere in its eighteen chapters would be an interesting exercise; the concept does not exist in the text, because the text is too busy dissolving the ego that would need such a category. Sanatan Dharma’s foundational position is that all divisions among human beings, of caste, colour, creed, language, gender, economic station, are constructions of an ego that is itself the central object of dharmic inquiry. This makes Sanatan Dharma not a source of division but one of the most radical philosophies of dissolution the species has produced. It does not unify what was divided; it dissolves the categorising agent that divided in the first place.

The confusion deepens because three categorically distinct things are routinely conflated in this debate. Sanatan Dharma, as described, is a philosophical orientation directed toward liberation from inner bondage, indifferent to creed and community. Hinduism, as the Supreme Court too has observed with a precision that deserves wider acknowledgment, is not a religion in the technical sense at all; it is a vast and internally inconsistent collection of belief systems, ranging from sophisticated non-dualism to local animism, held together by little more than geographical provenance, its very name derived from a river, applied by outsiders, and retaining that looseness to this day. A person can believe anything whatsoever, or nothing in particular, and still qualify as Hindu, because no practice forfeits the label and none confers it. The word has become nearly meaningless as a philosophical designation. Hindutva is a third entity, categorically different from both: a political ideology, barely a century old, that seeks to define Indian national identity through cultural markers whose actual roots lie largely in the Mughal and British periods rather than in the ancient philosophical tradition it claims to represent. When critics attack Sanatan Dharma and mean practiced Hinduism, they target a real problem with a wrong name. When defenders protect Sanatan Dharma and mean Hindutva, they mount a real defence of a wrong object. The vocabulary ensures that no genuine examination of any of the three things named can take place.

Behind the vocabulary problem lies a further one that deserves examination in its own right: the systematic attempt over recent decades to transform Sanatan Dharma into something resembling an Abrahamic religion. The effort is visible in concrete operations. The Bhagavad Gita is increasingly promoted as “the Hindu Bible,” a single canonical text in a tradition whose actual textual practice was always plural. Hindu weekend schools and dharma classes are organised on the explicit model of Sunday catechism. The language of “conversion” and “reconversion,” foreign to the older tradition, is now central to a significant strand of contemporary Hindu organisation. Demands appear for a single defining figure, a single boundary beyond which one is no longer a co-religionist, a posture of doctrinal exclusivity and communal aggression where there was previously argumentative plurality. This is not Sanatan Dharma; it is the ego’s inferiority complex given institutional form. The Hindu who wishes to Abrahamise his tradition is, in the most direct sense, expressing his admiration for the traditions he claims to oppose. One does not voluntarily remake oneself in another’s image unless one regards that other as superior; the imitation is the compliment. The stated motivation may be resistance to Christianity or Islam, but the actual operation is one of unacknowledged admiration: seeing the wealth and global influence of the one, seeing the demographic reach of the other, and concluding that these successes must owe something to the organisational character of those traditions, and therefore that emulation will produce equivalent results. An ego that genuinely regarded its own tradition as superior would not study the other in order to become it.

The Abrahamic model requires belief: entry into the tradition requires accepting certain propositions as true, and exit is triggered by rejecting them. This is precisely what Sanatan Dharma does not require and, in its philosophical core, explicitly refuses. The central word of Sanatan Dharma is not belief but jigyaasa, the hunger to know. Religion in the Abrahamic pattern tells the adherent what to believe and asks him to maintain it. Sanatan Dharma tells the seeker that his received beliefs, his maan and his mat, the opinions and convictions he has accumulated from family, culture, and community, are themselves the primary obstacle, the very substance of inner bondage that the dharma is designed to dissolve. A true Sanatani is therefore not someone who believes more intensely; he is someone who examines his own beliefs more rigorously than he examines anyone else’s. The inner examination begins at home, with the convictions one has never questioned precisely because one has held them longest. Sanatan Dharma is founded on jigyaasa; Abrahamic religion is founded on iman, faith, the acceptance of what has been given. These are not variations of the same impulse; they are structurally opposed.

This structural opposition has a remarkable implication that the controversy has entirely missed. By the criterion the tradition itself provides, a Muslim who sincerely inquires into the nature of his own inner bondage and actively moves toward its dissolution qualifies more as a Sanatani than a self-declared Hindu who has never examined a Vedantic text and defends his religious identity through aggression and superstition. A Christian, a Jew, a declared atheist, anyone whose inner life is oriented toward honest self-inquiry and the dissolution of the ego’s bondages, qualifies as a Sanatani under the tradition’s own definition. Conversely, the person who recites mantras without inquiry, performs rituals without examination, and wears religious identity as scaffolding for the ego’s project of self-promotion does not qualify as a Sanatani no matter what label he claims. There may not be a thousand truly Sanatani practitioners among those who loudly invoke the Sanatana name. This is uncomfortable, but it follows directly from the tradition’s own criteria, which are the only criteria with any legitimate claim to authority.

Similarly, astika in the tradition’s own usage does not mean what most assume. It does not mean “one who believes in God.” It means one who has an understanding of shruti, in the Vedantic revelation, in the tradition’s highest texts. Several of the six orthodox darshanas, the great philosophical systems of Sanatan tradition, are explicitly astika while containing no personal God whatsoever. Sankhya posits no Ishvara; Purva Mimamsa acknowledges ritual divinities but no creator god; both are astika systems, because they accept the authority of Vedic shruti. Theism and Sanatan Dharma are not the same requirement. One can be a genuine Sanatani without believing in any personal god, and one can believe in any number of gods while remaining, philosophically, entirely outside the tradition.

Behind the ego’s relationship to religion in general lies the deepest problem this controversy has not acknowledged. The ego registers itself as insufficient. It senses, without being able to name what it lacks, that it is not enough. Every strategy it employs to cover this registration, of accumulation, achievement, relationship, identity, provides temporary relief and then demands fresh effort, because the insufficiency the ego registers is the registration of itself, and no addition resolves what addition is the problem. Religion, at its philosophical root, is a response to this condition, the tradition’s accumulated attempt to diagnose the ego’s situation and point in the direction of its dissolution. But the ego does not receive religion this way. It receives religion as it receives everything else: as material for scaffolding, as another acquisition to be claimed, another identity to be defended, another credential to be deployed in the endless project of demonstrating adequacy. What was intended as a solvent of the ego becomes the ego’s most elaborately decorated possession. The devout man who visits the temple daily, who can cite scripture and observe ritual with impeccable fidelity, has constructed a performance that proves to himself, above all, that he is religious. The performance substitutes for the inquiry it was supposed to initiate. He has used religion to protect himself from religion’s actual demand. And the ego does not merely resist dharma’s transformation; it consumes dharma and grows on the consumption. The more religious paraphernalia the ego accumulates, the larger it grows, and the further it moves from the confrontation the dharma was designed to force. The ego that should have been dissolved by dharma instead fattens on dharmic props and calls the fattening growth.

A teaching is not the same thing as a tradition. The teaching is what was said or demonstrated in a particular historical moment, oriented toward the ego’s dissolution. The tradition is the institutional apparatus that develops around it over subsequent centuries, the lineages, the commentaries, the ritual prescriptions, the sectarian boundaries, the orthodoxies. Within a few generations of any teacher’s death, the institution begins serving its own survival. Within a few more, it produces material the original teacher would not have recognised, and defends that material as the original teaching. The texts that carry the original investigation, the Upanishads, the Ashtavakra Gita, are not empty of authority; they are astonishingly precise and demanding. But they have been buried under the pauranik overlay of story, ritual, and communal identity that the tradition-as-institution finds more tractable. The scripture survives while its function is buried under centuries of appropriation. The student who failed the examination because he never opened the textbook then turns on the teacher and the textbook as responsible for his failure. This is a precise description of what has happened to Sanatan Dharma’s relationship with those who carry its name.

The most pointed irony of the present controversy is one that will satisfy neither side. Periyar, the figure whose spirit the critics invoke to justify their objections, was animated throughout his life by a refusal to accept received authority, an insistence on questioning what others absorbed without examination, a rage against the exploitation of the vulnerable dressed in the language of the sacred, a commitment to rational inquiry over hereditary belief. He was silenced and dismissed as a young man for asking inconvenient questions at religious gatherings; he took the silencing not as a reason to stop asking but as confirmation that the questions mattered. In the framework of Sanatan Dharma properly understood, this disposition is not antithetical to the tradition; it is, in the most precise sense, the tradition itself. The Upanishads are dialogues built on the premise that inquiry rather than acceptance is the path: the student questions, the teacher responds, the student questions the response, and no claim is exempt from examination. The Ashtavakra Gita opens with a student who refuses to accept the teacher’s words on authority and demands that the truth be demonstrated. Nachiketa refused every consolation offered by the Lord of Death until the actual answer was given. Periyar, by this reckoning, was operating closer to the tradition’s own method than most of those who now invoke the tradition’s name to silence precisely the kind of questioning Periyar exemplified.

Extend the observation to Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar and the case must be made rather than asserted. Bhagat Singh wrote Why I Am an Atheist in a prison cell in 1930, knowing his execution was near. The essay is not, in any honest reading, a celebration of nihilism or a polemic against inquiry. It is one of the most careful pieces of self-examination produced in early twentieth-century Indian writing. He refuses to pray before his death not because he denies the value of seeking but because he refuses to use the seeking instrumentally, as a crutch in his final hours, when he had not credited it in the years that preceded them. This is the precise discipline the dharmic inquiry asks of the seeker: that the inquiry be honest enough to refuse the consolations it has not earned. Bhagat Singh did not reject Sanatan Dharma’s method; he rejected the practiced tradition’s appropriation of that method into communal identity. The two are not the same rejection, and the essay distinguishes between them with more care than most of his subsequent admirers have noticed.

Ambedkar’s case is sharper still. Annihilation of Caste is not a rejection of inquiry; it is a sustained accusation that the practiced tradition refused to apply inquiry to itself. His turn to Buddhism was not a turn away from the dharmic project but a turn toward a tradition that, in his reading, conducted the inquiry without insisting on the revealed authority of a corpus the inquiry could not interrogate. This is the jigyaasa-versus-iman distinction enacted as a life. Ambedkar would have rejected the label Sanatani, and the rejection must be honoured rather than overwritten. What cannot be honoured, because the texts do not permit it, is the claim that he was operating against the tradition’s actual method. He was operating against its institutional capture, and the operation was itself an exercise of the method. The label belongs to the egos that fight over labels. The method is available to anyone who undertakes it, regardless of what he calls himself or refuses to call himself.

You have read this far, and the question by now is not whether the defenders or the critics have it right. The question is whether the inquiry the tradition asks of you is one you have ever conducted, or only one you have argued about. The labels available, Sanatani, Hindu, secularist, atheist, are all the same label in one important respect: each can be carried as an identity without ever undertaking the examination from which the underlying tradition derives its name. If the identity is carried and the examination is not undertaken, the label is empty regardless of which one is chosen. The defender who has never read an Upanishad and the critic who has never read one are, in the only sense the tradition cares about, in exactly the same position.

There is something to be named here that neither side in this controversy has named. Sanatan Dharma is among the most rigorous philosophical traditions the species has produced. It has grappled, with extraordinary sophistication and over an enormous span of time, with the most fundamental questions available to a human being: who am I, what is the nature of suffering, what does the dissolution of bondage mean, how does the ego produce the very bondages it then suffers? Its summit texts are among the finest instruments of inner inquiry in any tradition. That these texts now largely sit unread, while the tradition that claims them produces superstition, caste violence, and communal aggression in their name, while the word Sanatan has in some quarters become a synonym for prejudice and exclusion, while those who have most faithfully practised the tradition’s actual method are sometimes found among its declared opponents: this is not the fault of the tradition. It is the fault of those who have used the tradition’s name while fleeing from its demand.

What is true religiosity, if it is not what either side in this controversy is defending or attacking? It is the ego’s honest engagement with its own condition, the willingness to examine what one actually is rather than what one has been told one is, the movement, however halting and partial, from bondage toward understanding. It asks no particular founder, no particular text, no particular ritual, no particular community for its legitimacy. It asks only that the ego turn, with something approaching courage, toward the very thing it has spent its entire existence avoiding: a direct encounter with its own fabrications. The tradition that carries this demand has been carrying it for several thousand years. Its central texts remain available, translated, annotated, accessible to anyone who wishes to read them.

Most do not, and most will not. The loudest voices in this controversy, on both sides, have almost certainly not read them. And the question that should trouble everyone involved, defender and critic alike, is this: what exactly were you fighting over? – The Pioneer, 16 may 2026

› Acharya Prashant is a philosopher and author whose work centres on self-inquiry and its application to contemporary life.

Buddha Quote

India’s global power status will be decided in the next decade – Minhaz Merchant

India

India’s transition to a Great Power needs more governance and less bureaucracy, more reforms and less regulation, more assertive engagement with the rest of the world and less passive neutrality. – Minhaz Merchant

India’s geopolitical absence during the Middle East crisis has emboldened critics of India’s global rise. The critics are both indigenous and foreign. The US-led West does not welcome the prospect of India becoming another economic, technological and military powerhouse like China in the next decisive decade.

Christopher Landau, America’s deputy secretary of state, said it explicitly during a recent think tank conference in Delhi: “India should understand that we’re not going to make the same mistakes with India that we made with China 20 years ago in terms of saying, ‘Oh, you know, we’re going to let you develop all these markets,’ and then the next thing we know, you’re beating us in a lot of commercial things.”

The indigenous criticism of India’s evolving place in the world is harsher as it always is during an election season. Where does the truth lie? Has India’s global advance stalled? Or, is it simply navigating a difficult course in a disorderly world?

Strategic autonomy is India’s guiding geopolitical principle. But stretched too far, it can morph into passive neutrality. That is not how a nation makes the transition from a Middle Power to a Great Power.

Take China’s rise as an example. Till 1980 it was a peripheral power with a GDP of $0.19 trillion and widespread poverty. Its reformist leader Deng Xiaoping began an economic liberalisation process that catapulted China to a Great Power in one generation. By 2010, China’s GDP had grown more than thirty-fold in 30 years from $0.19 trillion to $6.10 trillion.

Much of China’s ascent owed to two factors: Communism and intellectual property theft. Obsessed by the Cold War, the US propped up China as a counter to the Soviet Union. It allowed free access to Chinese scientists and academics to US universities and research laboratories. China reverse-engineered US military and civil technology before Washington realised that it had unwittingly created a superpower rival.

America’s attitude to India is deeply prejudiced by its toxic Chinese experience. In 2005 the US experimented with deploying a still “fragile-five” India as a regional counterweight to China. An India-US civil nuclear deal followed, along with closer economic ties. China remained America’s target.

That policy has been largely abandoned for two reasons. One, China is now too powerful to be countered by a third country. Two, India itself threatens to become too powerful for America’s comfort in the next decisive decade.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) in its latest World Economic Outlook (April 2026) report places India’s GDP, measured by Purchasing Power Parity (PPP), as the world’s third largest at $18.90 trillion. The US is the world’s second largest economy ($32.38 trillion) below first-placed China ($44.30 trillion).

The combined GDP (PPP) of India and China in 2026 is therefore $63.20 trillion, double US GDP. The two Asian giants are growing at an annual rate of 4.5 per cent (China) and 6.5 per cent (India) compared to annual US growth rate of 2 per cent. The economic gap between the world’s three largest economies is widening with India’s GDP (PPP) now nearly half China’s and two-thirds America’s.

Trump factor

Under President Donald Trump, the US regards India’s ascent with concern. Moreover, Washington believes a thaw between India and China could create a powerful axis against the US-led West. That axis is currently fragmented. One half is centred around China, Russia, North Korea and Iran—all irredeemably hostile to the West.

The other half comprises powers of the Global South led by India, Brazil and others. If these two halves come together on a common platform, the US-led West could for the first time in two centuries face a credible threat to its global hegemony.

The only international platform that can grow into a unified non-Western axis is BRICS. India is currently the group’s annual rotating head. Foreign ministers from BRICS nations are scheduled to meet in Delhi in May. India will host the BRICS heads of government summit in Delhi in October. Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin are scheduled to attend.

BRICS has now expanded to 11 member-nations. They include the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, Iran and Egypt, all key players in the unfolding world order.

As a Great Power in transition, India must ignore the advice Deng gave China in 1980: “Hide your strength, bide your time.” For India, the time to hide its strength has long gone. It has historically punched below its geopolitical weight. That era is over.

India must now move from a policy of strategic autonomy to strategic assertiveness. Autonomy is the passive language of non-alignment. It is mistaken by other powers as India’s unwillingness to take sides, take risks, and impose its strategic thinking on others.

For an economy which, as IMF data points out, contributes 17 per cent to annual global growth, second only to China (26.60 per cent) and far more than the US (9.90 per cent), passive neutrality is not the quickest path to Great Power status.

China transitioned from a Middle Power in 2000 to a Great Power in 2020 by being geopolitically assertive. As a noisy, fractious democracy, India’s path is not as smooth as Communist China’s. But in the long run, the advantages of democracy and freedom will always score over communism and dictatorship.

The seeds of China’s demographic downfall were sown in the 1970s when it enforced forcible birth control and a one-child policy. India tried to do the same during the 1975-77 Emergency with forcible sterilisation. Communism allowed China to enforce the policy. India’s democracy did not: forced sterilisation ended with the revocation of the Emergency and the 1977 general election.

The outcome: China’s population is in free fall. Workforce productivity, despite AI automation, is slowing. The UN projects China’s population will halve to 733 million in 2100. India’s population in contrast will plateau at 1.5 billion through to the end of the 21st century, giving it the tools to become the world’s largest economy (PPP) by 2055.

But the transition to a Great Power needs more governance and less bureaucracy, more reforms and less regulation, more assertive engagement with the rest of the world and less passive neutrality.

The tools are in place. Washington and Beijing may feign disinterest but they are watching carefully. Neither welcomes India’s ascent and will do what they can to stall it till, like China, India becomes too big to stall. – Firstpost, 21 April 2026

› Minhaz Merchant is an editor, author and publisher.

PM Modi with BRICS foreign ministers (2026).

The Sati Strategy – Koenraad Elst

Sati

The missionary assault on Hinduism dramatized the practice of Sati, which had been “an ‘exceptional act’ performed by a minuscule number of Hindu widows over the centuries”, of which the occurrence had been “exaggerated in the nineteenth century by Evangelicals and Baptist missionaries eager to christianize and anglicize India”. – Dr. Koenraad Elst

The missionaries are responsible for associating Hinduism with Sati much more prominently than would be fair. The missionary assault on Hinduism dramatized the practice of Sati, which had been “an ‘exceptional act’ performed by a minuscule number of Hindu widows over the centuries, of which the occurrence had been “exaggerated in the nineteenth century by Evangelicals and Baptist missionaries eager to christianize and anglicize India”. – Dr. Koenraad  Elst

Meenakshi Jain’s book ‘Sati’

After making history with her book on the Ayodhya controversy, Rama and Ayodhya (2013), Prof. Meenakshi Jain adds to her reputation with the present hefty volume Sati: Evangelicals, Baptist Missionaries, and the Changing Colonial Discourse (Aryan Books International, Delhi 2016). In it, as a meticulous professional historian, she quotes all the relevant sources, with descriptions of Sati from the ancient through the medieval to the modern period. She adds the full text of the relevant British and Republican laws and of Lord William Bentinck’s Minute on Sati (1829), that led to the prohibition on Sati. This book makes the whole array of primary sources readily accessible, so from now on, it will be an indispensable reference for all debates on Sati.

But in the design of the book, all this material is instrumental in studying the uses made of Sati in the colonial period. In particular, the missionary campaign to rally support for the project of mass conversion of the Indian heathens to the saving light of Christianity made good use of Sati. This practice had a strong in-your-face shock value and could perfectly illustrate the barbarity of Hinduism.

Indignation

In the preface, Prof. Jain surveys the existing literature and expresses her assent to some recent theories. Thus, Rahul Sapra found that Gayatri Spivak’s observations, e.g. that the 19th-century British tried to remake Indian society in their own image and used Sati as the most vivid proof of the need for this radical remaking, don’t take into account the changing political equation during the centuries of gradual European penetration. In the 17th century, European traders and travellers mostly joined the natives in glorifying the women committing Sati, whereas by the 19th century, they posed as chivalrous saviours of the victimized native women from the cruel native men. This was because they were no longer travellers in an exotic country and at the mercy of the native people, but had become masters of the land and gotten imbued with a sense of superiority.

Indians in large numbers, and especially the many indefatigable but amateurish “history rewriters”, tend to be defective in their sense of history, starting with their seeming ignorance about the otherwise very common phenomenon of change. When I hear these history rewriters fulminate against the West with its supposed evil designs of somehow dominating India again, it seems that in their minds, time has frozen in the Victorian age. Similarly here, there is not one monolithic Western view of Sati but, apart even from individual differences of opinion, there are distinct stages, partly because of the changing power equation and partly because internal changes in the Western outlook have influenced the Western perception of things Indian. So it takes a genuine historian to map out precisely what has changed and what not, and which factors have effected those particular changes.

Then again, It is of course interesting to realize the continuity between the present-day interference in Indian culture by Leftist scholars like Wendy Doniger and Sheldon Pollock and that of the British colonialists: “We know best what is wrong with your traditions and we come to save you from yourselves.”

In this respect, the changes in the Western attitude to Sati run parallel to that regarding caste. Until the early 20th century, caste was seen as a specifically Indian form of a universal phenomenon, viz. social inequality. Nobody was particularly scandalized when in 1622, the Pope gave permission to practise caste discrimination between converts inside the Church. Around the time of the French Revolution, the idea of equality started catching on, but only gradually became the accepted norm. At that point, it became problematic that people’s status was said to be determined by birth. In this case, determination by the inborn circumstance of being a woman, unequal in rights compared to men, and never more radically unequal than in committing Sati. After World War II the norm (henceforth called Human Rights) of absolute equality and increasingly of absolute individual self-determination made the tradition of caste and of Sati too horrible to tolerate. Therefore, the indignation about Sati is far greater today than when Marco Polo visited India. Today, Sati is already a memory, but the commotion around the exceptional Sati of 1987 gave an idea of the indignation it would provoke today.

Evangelization

In this case, an extra factor came into play to effect a change in British attitudes to Sati. In Parliamentary debates about the East India Company Charter in 1793, there was no mention yet of Sati though it had been described many times, including by Company eyewitnesses. But by 1829, Sati was forbidden in all Company domains. This turn-around was the result of a campaign by the missionary lobby.

Ever since the missionaries set out to convert the Pagans of India, they made it their business to contrast the benignity of Christianity with the demeaning atrocities of heathenism. This was an old tradition starting with the Biblical vilification of child sacrifice to the god Moloch by the Canaanites. The practice was also attested by the Romans when they besieged the Canaanite (Phoenician) colony of Carthage. The Bible writers and their missionary acolytes present child sacrifice as a necessary component of polytheism, from which monotheism came to save humanity. And indeed, we read here how Rev. William Carey tried to muster evidence of child sacrifice too—but settled for Sati as convincing enough.

In reality, the abolition of human sacrifice was a universal evolution equally affecting Pagan cultures such as the Romans. In the case of Brahmanism, it is speculated that the Vastu Purusha concept (a human frame deemed to underlie a house) is a memory of a pre-Vedic human sacrifice. Even if true, fact is that in really existing Brahmanism, human sacrifice has not been part of it for thousands of years; if it had, we would be reminded of it every day. In this respect, Brahmanism was definitely ahead of the rest of humanity.

Not to idealize matters, we have to admit that, like the Biblical writers, who used the vilification of the child-sacrificing Canaanites as a justification to seize their land (and even to kill them all), Pagans who had left the practice behind equally used the reference to it to score political points. The Romans had practised human sacrifice within living memory and then abolished it, so they were acutely aware of it and tried to exorcise it from their own historical identity by rooting it out in conquered lands as well. (This is the same psychology as among modern Westerners who remember their grandfathers’ abolition of slavery and therefore feel spurred to support or engineer the “abolition of caste” in India.) Using that mentality, Roman war leaders would emphasize this phenomenon of child sacrifice among the Carthaginians to portray them as barbarians in urgent need of Rome’s civilizing intervention. Later Caesar would also demonize as human-sacrificers the Druids of Gaul, another “barbarian” country the Romans “liberated” from its own traditions after conquering it. Likewise, the Chinese Zhou dynasty justified its coup d’état (11th century BCE) against the Shang dynasty by demonizing the Shang as practising human sacrifice.

This way, Sati came in very handy to justify an offensive in India. Mind you, in a military sense India had partly been conquered already, and British self-confidence at the time was such that the complete subjugation of the subcontinent seemed assured. The offensive in this case was not military, its target was the christianization of the East India Company, to be followed by the conversion of its subject population. Around 1800, the Company was still purely commercial and even banned missionaries: their religious zeal might create riots, and these would be bad for business. So, the Christian lobby had to convince the British parliamentarians that the christianization of India was good and necessary, and therefore worthy of the Company’s active or passive support, namely to free the natives from barbarism. To that end, there was no better eye-catcher than Sati.         

Here I will skip a large part of Prof. Jain’s research, namely into the details of the specific intrigues and events that ultimately led to the success of the missionary effort. While these chapters are important for understanding the Christian presence in India, and while I recommend you read them, I have decided for myself to limit my attention for colonial history as it is presently eating up too much energy, especially of the Hindus. The study of colonial history is instructive and someone should do it, but for the many, it is far more useful to study Dharma itself, to immerse yourself in Hindu civilization as it took shape, rather than in the oppression of and then the resistance by the Hindus. India is free now and could reinvigorate Dharmic civilization, which is a much worthier goal than to re-live the comparatively few centuries of oppression.

Let us only note that the missionaries are responsible for associating Hinduism with Sati much more prominently than would be fair. The missionary assault on Hinduism dramatized the practice of Sati, which had been “an ‘exceptional act’ performed by a minuscule number of Hindu widows over the centuries”, of which the occurrence had been “exaggerated in the nineteenth century by Evangelicals and Baptist missionaries eager to christianize and anglicize India”. 

Krishna’s wives 

Many Hindus believe that Sati is an external contribution, probably triggered by the Muslim conquests. In reality, Sati is as old as scriptural Hinduism. Already the Rg Veda (10:18:7-8, quoted and discussed on p. 4–5) describes a funeral where the widow is lying down beside her husband on the pyre, but is led away from it, back to the world of the living. So it already provides a description of a Sati about to take place, as well as of the Brahmanical rejection of Sati.

Likewise, the Mahabharata, the best guide to living Hinduism, features several cases of Sati. Most prominent is the self-immolation by Pandu’s most beloved wife Madri. Less well-known perhaps is that Krishna’s father Vasudeva is followed on the pyre by four wives, and that Krishna’s death triggers the self-immolation—in his absence—of five of his many wives. But unlike Mohammed, Krishna need not be emulated by his followers. By contrast, Rama’s influence on the women in his life is not such that they commit Sati—on the contrary, his wife Sita comes unscathed out of the flames of her “trial by fire”—and he counts as the perfect man, the model whose behaviour should serve us as exemplary.  

The oldest foreign (viz. Greek) testimony on Indian Sati reports on the death of an Indian general in the Persian army. His two wives fought over the honour of climbing his funeral pyre. Both had a case: one was the eldest, the other was not pregnant—whereas the eldest was, and should not deprive the deceased man of his progeny. So the authorities had to intervene, and they ruled in favour of the younger wife. It should be repeated, for the sake of clarity, that “favour” here really means the honour of committing self-immolation, as emphatically desired by the young widow.

Indeed, a woman wanting to commit Sati needed some will-power, for Hindu society did not take this as a matter of course. A per the many testimonies, she usually had to overcome the dissuasion from her family and from worldly or priestly authorities. (But rather than leading her away in chains for her own good, as modern psychiatrists would do, they give her the decisive last word.) That is why the first British report on the practice spoke of “self-immolation of widows”. Contrary to allegations of “murderous patriarchy” by modern feminists—who hold the same ignorant prejudices about Hindu culture as the average foreign tourist—women themselves chose this spectacular fate.

Contrary to a common assumption, the practice was not confined to the Rajputs or to the martial castes in general, where passion and bravery were prized. Prominent Hindu rulers like Shivaji Bhonsle and Ranjit Singh were followed on their pyres by a big handful of wives and concubines. Among the lower castes, like among the Muslims, life usually resumed and a widow soon remarried, not to let any womb go to waste. But nevertheless, a British survey in Bengal found that no less than 51% of Sati women belonged to Shudra families. Among the other upper castes, and among the majority of women even in the martial castes, widows would be confined to a life of service and asceticism. But no matter how rare the actual practice of Sati, it remained a glamorous affair, honoured among the Hindu masses with commerorative stones (sati kal) and temples (sati sthal).

Hindu Sati?

Sati was not confined the Hindu civilization. It existed elsewhere, both in Indo-European and in other cultures. Rulers in ancient China or Egypt are sometimes found buried with a number of wives, concubines and servants. In pre-Christian Europe, the practice was related—directly, not inversely—to the status of women in society: not at all in Greece, where women were very subordinate, but quite frequently among the more autonomous Celtic women. Among the Germanic people, a famous case is that of Brunhilde and her maidservants following Siegfried into death. Yet Indian secularists preferentially depict Sati as one of the unique “evils of Hindu society”.

The only shortcoming is this wonderful book is not a mistake but a hiatus, less than a page long. One important point I would have liked to see discussed more thoroughly, is the question raised by Alaka Hejib and Katherine Young in their paper: “Sati, Widowhood and Yoga”. They see a ”hidden religious dimension: yoga; though neither the widow nor the Sati was conscious of the yogic dimension of her life”. Indeed, “the psychology of yoga was instilled, albeit inadvertently, in the traditional Hindu woman”. Well well, yoga as the most consciousness-oriented discipline in the world is imparted unconsciously: “instilled, albeit inadvertently”. Prof. Jain reports this hypothesis but does not comment on it. So I will.

Naive readers may not have noticed it yet, but here we are dealing with as instance of a widespread phenomenon: the crass manipulation of the term “Hindu”. Every missionary and every secularist does it all the time: calling a thing “Hindu” when it is considered bad, but something—really anything—else as soon as it is deemed good. Many Hindus even lap it up: it is “instilled, albeit inadvertently”.

Thus, whenever Westerners show an interest in yoga, the secularists and their Western allies hurry to assure us: “Yoga has nothing to do with Hinduism.” (It is like with Islam, but inversely, for whenever Muslims make negative-sounding headlines, we are immediately reassured that these crimes “have nothing to do with Islam”.) There may be books on “Jain mathematics”, but never about “Hindu mathematics”, for a good thing cannot be Hindu. If the topic cannot be avoided, you call it, say, “Keralite mathematics” or fashionably opine that it “must have been borrowed from Buddhism”. So, yoga cannot be Hindu when its merits are at issue. However, when it is presented as something funny, with asceticism and other nasty things, then it can be Hindu, and even used as middle term to equate something else—something nasty, of course, like Sati—with Hinduism. So: Sati is Hindu!

In this case, the poor hapless secularists are even right. Sometimes even a deplorable motive, like their single-minded hatred for Hinduism, makes men speak the truth: Sati is Hindu. Sati is not Brahmanical: the Rg Veda enjoins continuing life rather than committing Sati, and the Shastras either don’t mention it or prefer widowhood, for which they lay down demanding rules. Many of the testimonies cited here mention Brahmanical priests trying to dissuade the woman from Sati. Not Brahmanical, then, but nonetheless Hindu, a far broader concept. A Hindu means an “Indian Pagan”, as per the Muslim invaders who first introduced the term in India. And indeed, Sati has existed in many countries but certainly in India, and it is not of Christian or Islamic origin, so it may be called Pagan. And so can the rejection of Sati. See?

This, then, makes for half a page that I would have done differently. The rest of this book, 500-something pages, is designed to stand the test of time. It will survive the flames that tend to engulf its topic: the brave Sati.

› Prof. Meenakshi Jain is a political scientist and historian. She is an associate professor of history at Gargi College, affiliated to the University of Delhi. 

› Dr. Koenraad Elst is an Orientalist from Belgian who frequently visits India to lecture. He is a Voice of India author.

Sati stones at Mahasati in Chittor Fort at Chittorgarh.

The legal doctrine that ate India’s religious traditions – Yashowardhan Tiwari & Krithika Jamkhandi

Supreme Court of India

For seventy years, India’s courts have claimed the power to decide what counts as truly sacred. The theology behind that claim isn’t Hindu—it’s Protestant. – Yashowardhan Tiwari & Krithika Jamkhandi

In 1954, a dispute over a monastery in the coastal town of Udupi reached the Supreme Court of India. The state of Madras wanted its commissioner to take over the administration of Shirur Math, a centuries-old Hindu institution.

The math’s leadership resisted, arguing that the Constitution guaranteed religious denominations the right to manage their own affairs in matters of religion. The state countered with what must have seemed like a reasonable proposition: surely, not everything a religious institution does is actually religious. Some of it—the hiring, the money, the logistics—is secular, and secular activities are fair game for regulation.

Seven justices considered this argument. What they produced, in a judgment now cited in virtually every religion case in India, was something nobody had quite bargained for: a new constitutional test that would empower judges to determine which religious practices deserve protection and which do not. They called it the test of “essential religious practices.”

It was, by almost any measure, a catastrophe of interpretation. And its consequences are still unfolding.

The architecture of religious freedom in the Indian Constitution is, on paper, relatively straightforward. Article 25 guarantees individuals the right to freely profess, practise, and propagate religion—subject to public order, morality, and health.

Article 26 extends similar protections to religious denominations. Article 25(2)(a) carves out an exception: the state can regulate “economic, financial, political, or other secular” activities that may be associated with religious practice.

The framers of the Constitution understood something important about Indian life.

As B.R. Ambedkar told the Constituent Assembly in December 1948, religious conceptions in India “are so vast that they cover every aspect of life, from birth to death.” His proposed solution was to limit the definition of religion so that constitutional protection wouldn’t freeze all social reform.

The protection was meant for practices that were “essentially religious”—practices closer to the religious end of the spectrum, as opposed to the secular activities that might orbit around them.

This distinction—between practices that are essentially religious in character and those that are essentially secular despite being associated with religion—is what the constitutional text actually contemplates. It is a sorting exercise: is this practice more religious than secular, or vice versa?

But in the Shirur Mutt judgment, the Supreme Court performed a quiet sleight of hand. Instead of asking whether a practice was essentially religious in nature, it began asking whether a practice was essential to the religion. The difference sounds subtle but it s not.

The first question asks about the character of an activity. The second asks about its importance within a theological hierarchy—a hierarchy that judges, not practitioners, would now define.

The court did acknowledge the difficulty. “Where is the line to be drawn between what are matters of religion and what are not?” it asked, with admirable candour.

Then it drew the line anyway, declaring that what constitutes the essential part of a religion must be ascertained with reference to the doctrines of that religion itself.

The essentiality test was born, and with it, the implicit claim that courts could read scripture well enough to rank religious practices by importance.

Two days later, the same judge—Justice B.K. Mukherjea—authored the Ratilal Gandhi decision, citing Shirur Mutt as precedent. The doctrine was entrenched before anyone had time to object.

What followed over the next seven decades was an extraordinary expansion of judicial authority into sacred space.

Armed with the essential religious practices test, Indian courts began adjudicating questions that would make most theologians nervous:

• Is the practice of tandava dance essential to the Ananda Marga faith?

• Is the exclusion of women of menstruating age essential to worship at Sabarimala?

• Is cow slaughter incidental or central to Islamic observance during Eid?

The problem, as critics have pointed out with increasing force, is not just that judges lack theological training. It is that the test itself is structurally incoherent.

When the constitutionality of a religious practice is challenged, courts must first determine whether the practice is religious or secular in nature. If secular, the state can regulate it freely. If religious, the court must then determine whether it is essential to the religion.

If it is not essential, the state can regulate it anyway. Only if a practice clears both hurdles—genuinely religious and essential to the faith—does it receive constitutional protection. And even then, it can be struck down if it offends public order, morality, or health. In practice, this means the entire religious sphere lies open to state regulation.

The legal scholar Faizan Mustafa has argued that the doctrine effectively elevates the judiciary to the status of clergy. Writing at the turn of the millennium, the constitutional scholars Rajeev Dhawan and Fali Nariman offered a more vivid formulation: judges had assumed a theological authority greater than that of any high priest, maulvi, or dharmashastri. Few religious pontiffs, they noted, possess this kind of power.

The court’s preferred method of determining essentiality—examining scriptures and doctrines—compounds the problem. Indian religious life is staggeringly diverse, and much of it is rooted not in canonical texts but in oral traditions, local customs, and practices handed down across generations without anyone writing them down.

A doctrinal approach to essentiality privileges text-heavy, scriptural traditions and implicitly marginalises everything else. It is, in a sense, a test designed for religions that look like Christianity or Islam—faiths organised around a book—rather than for the sprawling, decentralised, often text-free practices that characterise much of Hindu, tribal, and folk religious life.

The scholarly case against the essential religious practices doctrine has grown formidable. Legal academics have attacked it from nearly every angle: it substitutes judicial judgment for religious conscience; it discriminates between practices without constitutional warrant; it rests on a misreading of the constitutional text.

One recent paper argued that the courts have been guilty of making ill-founded observations about the validity of religious practices, turning the constitutional question of “what is essentially religious” into the theological question of “what is essential in religion.”

The paper proposed that courts should instead focus solely on identifying what is secular—regulating only that—and leave the religious domain alone, subject to the narrow exceptions the Constitution already provides. The principle would be “limited state intervention but maximum protection.”

The constitutional lawyer Zaid Deva, writing in the Indian Constitutional Law Review, traced the doctrinal error to its source. The original mandate of Articles 25 and 26 was to protect essential and non-essential religious practices alike. What should have been a test to distinguish “essentially religious” activities from “essentially secular” ones became, through judicial alchemy, a test to rank practices within the religious sphere by their perceived theological importance.

Arpan Banerjee, writing in the HNLU Student Bar Journal, identified another dimension of the problem: the Constitution does not discriminate between religious practices based on their significance. It protects them all. The essential practices test introduces a hierarchy that the constitutional text explicitly declined to create.

And yet, for all its force, this body of criticism stops at a particular threshold. It questions the doctrine. It questions the court’s competence. It proposes alternative legal tests. What it does not question is the assumption beneath all of it: that within every religion, there exists a meaningful distinction between the sacred and the secular—and that this distinction can, in principle, be mapped.

This is where the story takes an unexpected turn. S.N. Balagangadhara, a philosopher of culture who spent four decades at the University of Ghent developing what he calls the “Comparative Science of Cultures,” has advanced a thesis that reframes the entire debate.

The secular-religious divide, he argues, is not a universal feature of human civilisation. It is a product of Christian history—specifically, of the centuries-long struggle between the Church and the Crown, the spiritual and the temporal, that defined European political life from late antiquity through the Reformation.

Within Christianity, the distinction between the sacred and the secular was always theologically loaded. Early Christianity imagined two realms—the spiritual, governed by the Church, and the temporal, governed by earthly rulers.

The relationship between these realms generated endless conflict: Who has authority over marriage? Over education? Over the moral formation of citizens?

The Protestant Reformation sharpened the divide further, insisting that nothing should stand between an individual and God, and pushed religion toward the private sphere.

The Enlightenment thinkers who followed secularised this Protestant story, recasting it in the language of universal political theory. What began as Christian theology became, through repetition and colonial export, the world’s default framework for thinking about the relationship between the state and the sacred.

Balagangadhara’s research traces how this framework universalised itself through two mechanisms. The first is straightforward conversion—the expansion of Christian communities across the globe. The second is subtler and, he argues, more consequential: the generation of secular variants of Christian theology that win adherents without anyone recognising the theology at work.

“De-Christianised Christianity,” he calls it—Christian doctrines that have spread far beyond the community of believers, dressed up in clothes that no longer look recognisably Christian.

The idea that the state must be separated from religion, on this account, is not a neutral discovery of political science. It is a theological doctrine of Protestant Christianity that has been secularised to the point of invisibility.

The implications for Indian constitutional law are profound. If the secular-religious divide is not a universal structural feature of all traditions but a specific product of the Christian intellectual inheritance, then the entire framework of Articles 25 and 26 rests on a borrowed assumption—an assumption that Indian traditions may not share.

The Constitution asks courts to distinguish between religious and secular practices within Hinduism, Sikhism, Jainism, and Buddhism. But these traditions may not contain the kind of internal sacred-secular boundary that the Constitution presupposes. The exercise is not merely difficult. It may be conceptually impossible.

This would explain why, after seven decades of trying, Indian courts have never produced a stable, coherent framework for making the distinction. It is not that the judges are insufficiently skilled. It is that they are searching for a boundary that does not exist—at least not in the form the Constitution imagines.

Balagangadhara’s thesis raises uncomfortable questions about the constitution-making process itself. Were the framers operating within what might fairly be called a colonial consciousness—accepting state neutrality toward religion as a universal political principle, when it was in fact a parochial one?

Did the experience of colonial modernity convince India’s founding generation that the secular-religious divide was a self-evident feature of all civilisations, rather than a specific inheritance of the Christian West?

These are not questions that courts can resolve. They belong to the domain of political philosophy, cultural anthropology, and honest historical reckoning.

But they cast the essential religious practices doctrine in a sharply different light. The doctrine is not merely a flawed legal test that can be repaired or replaced with a better one. It is the downstream consequence of a deeper conceptual error—the assumption that Indian religious life can be parsed through categories borrowed from a very different civilisational experience.

If this diagnosis is correct, the path forward is not simply a matter of the Supreme Court overruling one line of precedent. It demands a more fundamental conversation about the adequacy of the constitutional framework itself. Could a constitutional amendment reconceive the relationship between the state and India’s indigenous traditions? Would it survive judicial review under the basic structure doctrine? Would it fall foul of secularism—a principle that is itself, on Balagangadhara’s account, a secularised Christian theology?

The answers may not arrive soon, or cleanly. A nine-judge bench of the Supreme Court, constituted to reconsider the Sabarimala review, may offer an occasion to revisit the doctrine’s foundations—or it may simply sidestep them. The political incentives to leave it well enough alone are considerable.

But the intellectual case for the essential religious practices doctrine has collapsed. It rests on a misreading of the constitutional text, an impossible demand on judicial competence, a scriptural bias against India’s oral and customary traditions, and—most fundamentally—a borrowed theology that its practitioners do not recognise as theology at all.

The kindest thing the Supreme Court could do is grant the doctrine a quiet, dignified death, before it does any more damage to the traditions it was ostensibly designed to protect.

Here’s to hoping that the Sabarimala review bench engages with this pre-dated obituary of the essential religious practices doctrine, and that its judgment may serve as the official version  of it. – Swarajya, 11 April 2026

Yashowardhan Tiwari is a Program Manager in the Office of the Vice Chancellor at Rishihood University.

Krithika Jamkhandi is an Advocate practicing in Karnataka High Court.

Women protest the entrance of fertile women into Sabaraimala.

Red China pretends to be the world leader for Buddhism – Claude Arpi

Marxism vs Buddhism

Today, Beijing is using the same old propaganda to propagate another lie: that China is the leading Buddhist power in the world, conveniently forgetting that Tibetan Buddhism comes from Nalanda Mahavihara in Northern India. – Claude Arpi

Every year around the end of March, Beijing’s propaganda clamours that China “emancipated” Tibet and “liberated millions of serfs” after the Dalai Lama escaped to India in 1959 and his government was taken over by the Chinese Communist Party in Lhasa.

This year, China Tibet Online, an official website of the Communist Party of China, in the same vein, titled an article “Lamenting the Most Heinous Crimes Against Humanity”. It explained, “In days of old, the Land of Snows was a living hell; serfs shed blood and tears that soaked their very garments. Stripped of their skin and gouged of their eyes—they possessed no human rights; the cruel regime’s sins ran deep.”

It is not what outsiders—both Westerners and Indians—who visited the Land of Snows reported; on the contrary, the independent observers discovered that the Tibetan people were a happy lot, though there were undeniably differences between the aristocracy, the clergy and the common men.

But today China continues to say, “Democratic reform ushered in a new dawn; a million serfs rose to become the masters of their own destiny”, adding that the Dalai Lama “defected to serve as a foreign lackey—betraying his faith, sowing chaos in Tibet, and spurning the benevolence of the nation.”

The “foreign country” is presumably India, which has always honoured the Tibetan leader as a very special guest.

In fact, an impartial study of the history of modern Tibet shows quite the opposite picture; it is the ordinary men and women who revolted against the Chinese yoke, in particular in March 1959, when the entire population rose against the Chinese occupiers to protect the life of their revered leader and allow him to leave for India.

Today, Beijing is using the same old propaganda to propagate another lie: that China is the leading Buddhist power in the world, conveniently forgetting that Tibetan Buddhism comes from Nalanda Mahavihara in Northern India.

India has started countering this misinformation by, for example, organising the second Global Buddhist Summit at the Bharat Mandapam in New Delhi on January 24 and 25, 2026.

The two-day conference brought together more than 200 delegates, mostly Buddhist leaders, scholars, practitioners and policymakers, to discuss contemporary global challenges facing the planet.

Sinisation of Buddhism

Today Beijing would like the world to believe that Buddhism has for decades been a leading component of Chinese civilisation and that China should take the lead in the propagation of the teachings of the Great Monk, who more than 2,500 years ago wandered in the plains of North India, preaching compassion, mindfulness and interdependent arising.

Paradoxically, Beijing wants to teach Buddhism to Tibet!

In September 2025, a meeting was convened in Lhasa by Wang Junzheng, the secretary of the party committee of the Tibet  Autonomous Region (TAR), to address Communist officials dealing with “religion”.

Is it not surprising that a state supposedly following Karl Marx’s atheist precepts should deal with religion?

Wang insisted on the necessity “to earnestly study and implement General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important instructions on religious work and … systematically promote the Sinicisation of Tibetan Buddhism.”

The objective was to “lay a solid foundation for long-term peace and stability”. This means that to be stable, Tibet needs to be Buddhist, but with Chinese characteristics.

Wang mentioned Xi Jinping’s visit to Tibet in July 2025, during which the president gave “important instructions …to  emphasise Buddhism with the requirements to systematically promote the Sinicisation of China’s religion, strengthen the governance of religious affairs and the rule of law and guide Tibetan Buddhism to adapt to the socialist society.”

In other words, first Marx and then the Buddha.

On November 11, 2025, Wang Junzheng, again presiding over a symposium on religious legislation in Tibet, asked the participants to “solidly promote the construction of the Chinese national community, actively guide Tibetan Buddhism to adapt to the socialist society”.

Preaching Buddhism Outside China

On April 21, Massimo Introvigne wrote on Bitter Winter, a specialised website following development inside China: “Buddhist Friendship in Seoul to Advance Its Religious Policy Agenda”, explaining that a Communist Party of China-controlled delegation “promotes Beijing’s line while regional partners intensify pressure on the Unification Church, Shincheonji, and other groups labelled as cults.”

It cites the case of a delegation from the China Buddhist Association (CBA), led by vice president Zong Xing, who travelled to Seoul from March 30 to April 2 to attend the preparatory meeting for the 26th China-Korea-Japan Buddhist Friendship Exchange Conference.

Bitter Winter observed that Chinese media portrayed this visit as a continuation of the “golden bond” of trilateral Buddhist cooperation, an idea established in 1995 by senior monks from the three countries. Official reports described the gathering as a way to contribute to regional stability and world peace, using the familiar language that defines Chinese religious affairs propaganda.”

The China Buddhist Association (CBA) is not an independent religious group; in December 2022 the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) noted that the CBA serves “as a tool of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to control Buddhism inside China and promote state narratives outside. USCIRF called the association a conduit and endorser of state propaganda”.

The Fate of Those Refusing to Follow the Party

On April 23, Amnesty International appealed to Chinese authorities, seeking information on the fate and whereabouts of a Tibetan religious leader and educator called Choktrul Dorje Ten Rinpoche from Chikdril County in the Golog Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture of Qinghai Province.

Rinpoche is a prominent religious and educational figure in the region; he founded a monastery and a vocational school supporting local Tibetan communities. He has been missing since December 2025. Thereafter, no information about his status, place of detention, or the charges could be obtained, though in January 2026, some individuals monitoring the case received informal indications suggesting that the Tibetan leader was ‘under investigation’.

According to Amnesty International, the prolonged incommunicado detention of religious figures “raises serious concerns under international human rights law. Such conditions, the group emphasised, place detainees at heightened risk of torture and other forms of ill-treatment.”

Take the case of another prominent Tibetan lama, Tulku Hungkar Dorje Rinpoche, who was arrested in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam, on March 25, 2025, through a joint operation by Vietnamese police and Chinese agents. Rinpoche died in custody four days later, and despite international concern over transnational human rights violations, nothing came out of the case.

The Lama, aged 56, was a respected Tibetan spiritual leader and head of the Lung Ngon monastery in Amdo (Qinghai province). He had to escape to Vietnam to escape persecution by Chinese authorities. He was arrested in a hotel in Ho Chi Minh City.

Such cases have been happening regularly.

China’s Political Influence

Politically China remains very influential. It managed to get the International Council for the Day of Vesak to endorse an appeal from the Buddhist Association of China to host the 21st UN Day of Vesak Celebrations in China in 2026. The 20th UN Day of Vesak was held in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam, from May 6 to 8, 2025, under the theme “Unity and Harmony for Human Dignity”, while the 19th UN Day of Vesak (2024) took place in Bangkok, Thailand, from May 19-20, 2024; the theme was “The Buddhist Way of Building Trust and Solidarity”.

This year it will be held in China. It is not being questioned.

A Positive Development in India

In this context, an extremely interesting development is the revival of Tibetan Buddhism in the Himalayan belt.

A conference on the contribution of Himalayan Buddhism to the spiritual and cultural heritage of India will be held in Leh, Ladakh, on May 3. According to the organisers: “Himalayan Buddhism is a distinct, esoteric form of Mahayana Buddhism practised across the Indian Himalayas as well as in Tibet, Bhutan and Nepal.” Himalayan Buddhism has indelibly shaped and contributed to the spiritual, cultural, and intellectual landscape of Asia by acting as a ‘living repository’ for ancient Indian traditions.”

A concept note added: “Centred on historic, high-altitude monasteries, this heritage features vibrant festivals, monastic education, and artistic traditions that promote peace, compassion, and harmony with nature.”

“A unique way of life that is practised daily” is what makes it different from Buddhism in China, which is mostly synonymous with repression and assimilation; the precepts of the Buddha are not practised in daily life.

The revival of the Buddha Dharma on the northern Indian borders also has a political message to China; where do you see stupas, prayer flags, and Om Mani Padme Hum stones in Tibet? No, only the red flag flies, even on the Potala Palace or in the Tsuglhakhang Central Cathedral in Lhasa. Isn’t it a sign? – Firstpost, 6 May 2026

Claude Arpi is Distinguished Fellow at the Centre of Excellence for Himalayan Studies, Shiv Nadar Institution of Eminence (Delhi), and writes on India, China, Tibet and Indo-French relations.

Jokhang Temple in Lhasa with China flag.

The need for Pax Indica – Rajeev Srinivasan

Chola Ship

Maritime trade is severely disturbed today, and it is increasingly a disaster for innocent bystanders bereft of oil and gas. And it is increasingly the Indian Ocean that matters: specifically the sea lanes from Hormuz to Malacca, which handle a significant portion of both oil/gas trade and goods trade globally.

In 1025 CE, exactly 1,001 years ago, Emperor Rajendra Chola sent an armada (probably the largest fleet in history before the advent of steam) 4,000 kilometres clear across the Indian Ocean. It was on a mission strangely familiar to us in 2026: open up a critical strait that was being choked by a littoral state. The thalassocratic Srivijaya Empire of Sumatra was closing the strait and imposing tolls, as well as winking at a little piracy.

The strait in question then was Malacca. The Chola goal: to reopen Indian trade with Southeast Asia and China. Remarkably, the Cholas were not interested in territorial conquest, only in freedom of navigation.

It is ironic that today, it is again a question of free trade, that shibboleth that has been waved about for decades (although that was a euphemism for “managed trade that benefits the West”).

The difference between then and now? The salient fact is that Rajendra Chola was able to open Malacca with his wooden ships. With all his aircraft carriers and F-35s and missiles, President Trump is unable to open Hormuz. This must mean something, although reasonable people may differ on what that is. My claim is that it means India has the opportunity, in fact the need, to step into the breach.

Maritime trade is severely disturbed today, and it is increasingly a disaster for innocent bystanders bereft of oil and gas. And it is increasingly the Indian Ocean that matters: specifically the sea lanes from Hormuz to Malacca, which handle a significant portion of both oil/gas trade and goods trade globally.

Geopolitics and Geoeconomics

It is a reasonable conjecture that the locus of power has shifted over the centuries: in the 19th century, the Atlantic was supreme; in the 20th century, the Pacific; and in the 21st century, the most important ocean is the Indian Ocean. Asia has returned to the centre stage. In support of this assertion, see how the economic centre of gravity of the world has returned to the vicinity of India, after the European colonial interlude.

It is, therefore, appropriate to ask what it would take for India to regain its former keystone role in the Indian Ocean. Of course, geography offers it to the country on a platter. From both Alfred Thayer Mahan’s theory of naval power, and from Nicholas Spykman’s Rimland theory, India could, or should, be the dominant power in the region: it is almost literally India’s ocean.

Mahan’s ideas, updated for today, suggest that a strong navy should protect a large merchant marine fleet, manage trade, and control choke points. The preferred hardware may have changed from battleships to aircraft carriers and especially nuclear submarines these days, but the basic idea remains: speak softly but carry a big stick with a force-projection navy.

Spykman’s Rimland theory seems more appropriate in current circumstances than the Heartland theory popularised by Halford MacKinder. The Eurasian landmass may well be subject to control by a coastal hegemon or an alliance that controls the sea lanes and choke points. Despite pipelines and rail-borne containers, maritime trade still dominates.

Spice Route versus Silk Road

A stark reminder of this is the comparison between the fabled ‘Silk Road’ and the ancient ‘Spice Route’. Despite all the breathless propaganda about the Silk Road, it is abundantly clear that sea-borne trade was an order of magnitude greater, because a caravan of 500 camels, braving deserts, robbers and so on across Central Asia couldn’t possibly carry more than 100 tonnes of goods; whereas an ocean-going stitched teak ship, like a single uru from Beypore, Kerala, could easily carry 400 tonnes. And the monsoon winds provided predictable, seasonal propulsion.

India’s prowess was built on the monsoons. By mastering the seasonal winds, Indian mariners turned the ocean into a highway. This made India the supreme trading power. Merchants from Rome and Egypt traded with Chinese and Southeast Asian counterparts on the Malabar and Coromandel coasts, leaving behind troves of coins as evidence.

The Switch

The remarkable thing is that these merchants did not even need to meet each other physically, because India provided the “multi-protocol switch”: translating their diverse needs and offering the conveniences of an entrepot, while also producing coveted, high-value products such as black pepper. For example, a Greek buyer could buy something from a Chinese seller, and settle the transaction using Indian credit.

And how did India do it? By providing the “switching fabric”, such as the ports, the credit systems, and the security, that allowed these disparate worlds to exchange products and wealth without ever meeting.

This is much like what a network gateway such as TIBCO does for packets of different kinds of data (in passing, how appropriate that TIBCO was founded by an Indian-American, Vivek Ranadive!). Hardware switches, e.g. from Cisco Systems, have been around for a while, but TIBCO abstracted that functionality in software to connect those with different protocols.

India already has many of the ingredients of the switching fabric in the India Stack. Using protocols like UPI, e-KYC, Account Aggregation, Central Bank Digital Currency, and ONDC, especially along with distributed-ledger blockchain-based smart contracts, it should be possible to provide end-to-end transparent and reliable multi-party trade support which complements the SWIFT payment system. Complement, not necessarily replace.

The same pattern held with India’s age-old trade system. The ports were on the Malabar Coast, such as Muziris; on the Coromandel Coast, such as Arikkamedu; and on the Konkan Coast, such as Bharuchcha. The credit systems were run by temples which acted as both bankers and venture capitalists for the trading guilds. The security: well, that’s what Rajendra Chola demonstrated in 1025 CE.

Alas, medieval India lost its maritime focus. So did China. Both became insular, and were overwhelmed by invaders, including Turks and Europeans. In India’s case, the Turkish invaders were land-focused powers; although there were isolated maritime attempts (e.g. the Maratha Navy, Travancore defeating the Dutch in an amphibious battle at Colachel in 1741, etc.)

Now, however, there are new ports. The most interesting of them is the Port of Trivandrum (Vizhinjam). This deep-water container transhipment port is only 10 nautical miles away from the Hormuz-Malacca sea lanes, and now when Dubai is closed, it reportedly has a backlog of 100 container ships waiting to be berthed. Then there is the upcoming Vadhavan container port in Maharashtra, and the Galathea Bay container port in Great Nicobar, which overlooks the mouth of Malacca.

Pax Indica today

The modern idea of Pax Indica borrows from both perspectives: hard power and a switch. An Internet search brings up the fact that it was my friend Bapa Rao and I who first started talking about it in terms of India being the benevolent hegemon in the Indian Ocean, way back in the 1990s.

Later, Shashi Tharoor wrote in his 2011 book Pax Indica that it could be “a peace system based on cooperation, stability, and rule-based order in Asia and beyond, in which rising India helps shape the rules of the road rather than impose its will through hegemony.” That is, along roughly the same lines as the “multi-protocol switch” or entrepot concept.

Pax Indica is not an empire; it is an ecosystem. There are three aspects: military power, the full exploration of the multiprotocol switch, and the port-led development policy. Bapa Rao and I will consider these in a future article. Briefly, though, here is what these entail.

1. Project Power: Use a 3-carrier, 18-24-submarine navy to ensure no single power can close the ocean’s gates.

2. Enable Trade: Use the Digital India Stack to act as the “Multi-Protocol Switch” for a fragmented world, plus super-ports like Vizhinjam (Trivandrum).

3. Secure the Choke Points: Be ready, like the Cholas, to act decisively when a “Srivijaya-style” blockade threatens the common good.

Hard power needs to come through the acquisition of a blue-water navy: at least three aircraft carrier groups, one for the Arabian Sea (Hormuz), one for the Bay of Bengal (Malacca), and one in maintenance, refit and upgrades.

Even though drones and missiles have rendered them less dominant than in earlier times, carrier groups are still important for air superiority and power projection. But an ever more critical factor is “area denial” by nuclear attack submarines (SSBNs) that can launch second-strike nuclear missiles as part of the “triad”, of which India should have at least three to four. In addition, there should be at least a dozen silent AIP-equipped diesel-electrics for securing straits, and at least 6-12 SSNs (possibly leased) to enhance blue-water reach.

“The IOR must become an Indian lake,” said General Raj Shukla on ‘X’. I agree: Not as a territory of conquest, but as a sanctuary of trade, where India sits at the centre, as the protocol provider that makes world trade work again, as in millennia past. – Firstpost, 29 April 2026

Rajeev Srinivasan writes on strategy and innovation. He has worked at Bell Labs and in Silicon Valley, and has taught innovation at several IIMs.

10th Century Indian Ocean Trade