The Problem of Macaulayism – Sita Ram Goel

Baron Thomas Babington Macaulay (25 October 1800 – 28 December 1859)

It is not easy to define the doctrine of Macaulayism in as authentic terms as we could do in the case of Islamism and Christianism. … Macaulayism [is not] malevolent like Islamism or mischievous like Christianism. It is rather mild and well-meaning, more like an imperceptible breeze which blows in silently, fins up the psychological atmosphere, creates a mental mood, inspires an intellectual attitude, and finally settles down as a cultural climate—pervasive, protean and ubiquitous. – Sita Ram Goel

Now for [that] residue of British rule, Macaulayism. The term derives from Thomas Babington Macaulay, a member of the Governor General’s Council in the 1830s. Earlier, the British Government of India had completed a survey of the indigenous system of education in the Presidencies of Bengal, Bombay and Madras. A debate was going on whether the indigenous system should be retained or a new system introduced. Macaulay was the chief advocate of a new system. This, he expected, will produce a class of Indians brown of skin but English in taste and temperament. The expectation has been more than fulfilled.

There is a widespread impression among “educated” classes in India that this country had no worthwhile system of education before the advent of the British. The great universities like those at Takshashila, Nalanda, Vikramashila and Udantapuri had disappeared during Muslim invasions and rule. What remained, we are told, were some pathashalas in which a rudimentary instruction in arithmetic, and reading and writing was imparted by semi-educated teachers, mostly to the children of the upper castes, particularly the Brahmins. But the impression is not supported by known and verifiable facts.

Speaking before a select audience at Chatham House, London, on October 20, 1931, Mahatma Gandhi had said:

“I say without fear of my figures being successfully challenged that India today is more illiterate than it was before a fifty or hundred years ago, and so is Burma, because the British administrators when they came to India, instead of taking hold of things as they were, began to root them out. They scratched the soil and began to look at the root and left the root like that and the beautiful tree perished.”

What the Mahatma had stated negatively, that is, in terms of illiteracy was documented positively, that is, in terms of literacy by a number of Indian scholars, notably Sri Daulat Ram, in the debate which followed the Mahatma’s statement, with Sir Philip Hartog, an eminent British educationist, on the other side. Now Shri Dharampal who compiled Indian Science and Technology in the Eighteenth Century: Some Contemporary European Accounts in 1971 has completed The  Beautiful Tree, a book on the state of indigenous education in India on the eve of the British conquest.

Shri Dharampal has documented from old British archives, particularly those in Madras, that the indigenous system of education compared more than favourably with the system obtaining in England at about the same time. The Indian system was admittedly in a state of decay when it was surveyed by the British Collectors in Bengal, Bombay and Madras. Yet, as the data brought up by them proved conclusively, the Indian system was better than the English in terms of (1) the number of schools and colleges proportionately to the population, (2) the number of students attending these institutions, (3) the duration of time spent in school by the students, (4) the quality of teachers, (5) the diligence as well as intelligence of the students, (6) the financial support needed to see the students through school and college, (7) the high percentage of lower class (Sudra and other castes) students attending these schools as compared to the upper class (Brahmin, Kshatriya and Vaisya) students, and (8) in terms of subjects taught.

This indigenous system was discarded and left to die out by the British not because its educational capacity was inferior but because it was not thought fit for serving the purpose they had in mind. The purpose was, first, to introduce the same system of administration in India as was obtaining in England at that time. The English system was highly centralised, geared towards maximisation of state revenues, manned by “gentlemen” who despised the “lower classes” and were, therefore, ruthless in suppression of any mass discontent. Secondly, the new system of education aimed at promoting and patronising a new Indian upper class who, in turn, would hail the blessings of British Raj and cooperate in securing its stability in India. The indigenous system of education was capable neither of training such administrators nor of raising such a social elite, not at home anywhere.

The system of education introduced by the British performed more or less as Macaulay had anticipated. Hindus like Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, Swami Vivekananda, Lokmanya Tilak, Mahatma Gandhi, Mahamanã Malaviya, Veer Savarkar, M.S. Golwalker, to name only the most notable amongst those who escaped its magic spell and rediscovered their roots, were great souls, strong enough to survive the heavy dose of a deliberate denationalisation. For the rest, it has eminently succeeded in sweeping an ancient and highly cultured people off its feet. Macaulay does deserve the honour of a whole ‘ism’ of which we have not seen the last yet.

It is not easy to define the doctrine of Macaulayism in as authentic terms as we could do in the case of Islamism and Christianism. Doctrinally, Macaulayism is quite diffused. It does not swear by a historical prophet whom it proclaims as the latest as well as the last and the best. It does not bestow a monopoly of truth and wisdom on a single book. It does not lay down a single code of conduct distilled from the doings of a prophet or the sacerdotal tradition of a church.

Nor is Macaulayism malevolent like Islamism or mischievous like Christianism. It is rather mild and well-meaning, more like an imperceptible breeze which blows in silently, fins up the psychological atmosphere, creates a mental mood, inspires an intellectual attitude, and finally settles down as a cultural climate-pervasive, protean and ubiquitous.

Unlike Islamism and Christianism, Macaulayism does not employ any meticulously matured methods to propagate or proliferate itself. It is not out to use a specified section of Indian society as a vehicle of its virulence. It is not a potent potion like Islamism which destroys the body of a culture in one fell sweep. It is not subtle like Christianism which subverts a society surreptitiously. But at the same time, it is a creeping toxemia which corrodes the soul of a culture and corrupts a social system in slow stages. And its target is every section of Indian society.

Yet, as we survey the spread of its spell over Hindu society, particularly Hindu intelligentsia, we can spot some of its paralysing processes. The most prominent are the following five:

1. A sceptical, if not negative, attitude towards Hindu spirituality, cultural creations and social institutions with solemn airs of scholarship and superior knowledge. Nothing in Hindu India, past or present, is to be approved unless recognised and recommended by an appropriate authority in the West;

2. A positive, if not worshipful, attitude towards everything in Western society and culture, past as well present, in the name of progress, reason and science. Nothing from the West is to be rejected unless it has first been weighed and found wanting by a Western evaluation;

3. An intellectual inclination to compare Hindu ideals and institutions from the past not with their contemporaneous ideals and institutions in the West but with what the West has achieved in its recent history-the 19th and the 20th Centuries;

4. A mental mood to judge the West in terms of the ideals and utopias it proclaims from time to time, while judging the Hindus with an all too supercilious reference to what prevails in Hindu society and culture at the present time when the Hindus have hardly emerged from a long period of struggle against foreign invasions;

5. A psychological propensity to scrutinise, interpret and evaluate Hindu culture, history, society and spirituality with the help of concepts and tools of analysis evolved by Western scholarship. It is never granted that the Hindus too have well-developed concepts and tools of analysis, derived from their own philosophical foundations, that it would be more profitable to use these concepts and tools of analysis for a proper understanding of the Hindu heritage, and that it is less than fair to employ alien and incompatible methods of evaluation while judging this heritage. If the Hindus use their own concepts and tools of analysis to process and weigh the Western heritage, our Macaulayists always throw up their hands and denounce the exercise as unscientific and irrelevant to the universe of discourse.

The intellectual and cultural fashions and fads of our Macaulayists change as freely and frequently as the intellectual and cultural climate in the West. Now it is English Utilitarianism, now German Idealism, now Russian Nihilism, now French Positivism or Existentialism, now American Consumerism—whatever be the dominant trend in the West, it immediately finds its flock among the educated Hindus. But one thing remains constant. The platform must first be prepared in the West before it could or should find an audience in India.

And this process of approving, rejecting, judging and justifying which Macaulayism promotes among its Hindu protagonists does not remain a mere mental mood or an intellectual inclination or a psychological propensity, that is to say, a subjective stance on men and matters. It inevitably and very soon expresses itself in a whole life-style which goes on rejecting and replacing Hindu mores and manners indiscriminately in favour of those which the West recommends as the latest and the best. The land from which the new styles of life are imported may be England as upto the end of the Second World War or the United States of America as ever since. But it must always be ensured that the land is located somewhere in the Western hemisphere. “Phoren” is always fine.

The models which are thus imported from the West in ever-increasing numbers need not have any relevance to the concrete conditions obtaining in India such as her geography, climate, economic resources, technological talent, administrative ability, etc. If the imported model fails to flourish on the Indian soil and in India’s socio-economico-cultural conditions, these must be beaten and forced into as much of a receptive shape as possible, if need be by a ruthless use of state power. But if the receptacle remains imperfect even after all these efforts, let the finished product reflect that imperfection. A model imported from the West and implanted on Indian soil even in half or a quarter is always preferable to any indigenous design evolved in keeping with native needs and adapted to local conditions.

Starting from the secular and socialist state and planned economy, travelling through a casteless society and scientific culture, and arriving at day-to-day consumption in Hindu homes, we witness the same servile scenario unfolding itself in an endless endeavour. Our parliamentary institutions, our public and private enterprises, our infrastructure of power and transport, our medicine, public health and housing, our education and entertainment, our dress, food, furniture, crockery, table manners, even the way we gesticulate, grin and smile have to be carbon copies of what they are currently doing in the West.

Drain-pipes, bell-bottoms, long hair, drooping moustaches; girls dressed up in jeans; parents being addressed as mom and pa and mummy and daddy; demand for convent schooling in matrimonial ads: and natives speaking their mother tongues in affected accents after the English civilian who was helpless to do otherwise—these are perhaps small and insignificant details which would not have mattered if the Hindus had retained pride in the more substantial segments of their cultural heritage. But in the current context of kowtowing before the West, they are painful portents of a whole culture being forced to feel inferior and go down the drain.

The Hindu may sometimes need to feel some pride in his ancestral heritage, particularly when he wants to overcome his sense of inferiority in the presence of visitors from the West. Macaulayism will gladly permit him that privilege, provided Kalidasa is admired as the Shakespeare of India and Samudragupta certified as India’s Napoleon. The Hindu is permitted to take pride in that piece of native literature which some Western critic has lauded. Of course, the Hindu should read it in its English translation. He is also permitted to praise those specimens of Hindu architecture, sculpture, painting, music, dance and drama which some connoisseurs from the West have patronised, preferable in an exhibition or performance before a Western audience. But he is not permitted to do this praising and pride-taking in a native language nor in an English which does not have the accepted accent.

The Hindu who is thus addicted to Macaulayism lives in a world of his own which has hardly any contact with the traditional Hindu society. He looks forward to the day when India will become a society like societies in the West where the rate of growth, the gross national product and the standard of living are the only criteria of progress. He is tolerant towards religion to the extent that it remains a matter of private indulgence and does not interfere with the smooth unfoldment of the socio-political scene. Personally for him, religion is irrelevant, though some of its rituals and festivities can occasionally add some colour to life. For the rest, religion is so much obscurantism, primitive superstition and, in the Indian context at present, a creator of communal riots.

Macaulay Quote

It should not, therefore, be surprising if this self-forgetful, self-alienated Hindu who often suffers from an incurable anti-Hindu animus a la Nirad Chaudhry, turns his back upon Hindu society and culture and becomes indifferent to their fate. He cannot help having not much patience with the traditional Hindu who is still attached to his spiritual tradition, who flocks to hallowed places of pilgrimage, who celebrates his festivals with solemnity, who regulates his daily life with rituals and sacraments, and who honours his forefathers, particularly the old saints, sages and heroes. He also cannot help being indulgent towards those who are hostile to the traditional Hindu and who heap contempt and ridicule on him, no matter to what community or faith they belong, though he may not share their own variety of religious or ideological fanaticism.

The traditional Hindu, on the other hand, wants to live in peace and amity with all his compatriots. He is normally very tolerant towards his Muslim and Christian countrymen, and gladly grants them the right to their own way of worship. He goes further and quite often upholds Muslim and Christian religions as good as his own. He shows all due respect to Muslim and Christian prophets, scriptures and saints. He does not try to prevent anyone from freely discussing, dissecting, even ridiculing his religion and culture. He never mobilises murderous mobs against those Hindus who do not share his convictions about his ancestral heritage. He turns a blind eye to his Gods and Goddesses being turned into cheap models in calendars and commercial advertisements. Nor does he go out converting people of other faiths to his own.

The traditional Hindu, however, does get stirred when the Muslims and Christians cross the limits and threaten the unity and integrity of his country. He does want to retain his majority in his only homeland against Muslim and Christian attempts to reduce him to a minority by fraudulent mass conversions. He does believe that Hindu society and culture have a right to survive and put up some defence in exercise of that right. But the Hindu addict of Macaulayism stubbornly refuses to concede that right to Hindu society and culture. He cannot see the need for defence because he cannot see the danger. And he has many strings to his bow to run down the Hindu who dares defy his diktat. His attitude can by summarised as follows:

1. To start with, he refuses to recognise any danger to Hindu society and culture even when irrefutable facts are placed under his nose. He accuses and denounces as alarmists, communalists, chauvinists and fascists all those who give a call for self-defence to the Hindus. Better, he explains away the aggression from other faiths in terms of the aggression which ‘Hindu communalism’ has committed in the first instance;

2. Next, he paints a pitiful picture of the aggressor as a poor, deprived and down-trodden minority whom the Hindus refuse to recognise as equal citizens, constitutionally entitled to a just share in the national cake;

3. At a later stage, he assumes sanctimonious airs and assigns to the Hindus an inescapable moral responsibility to rescue their less privileged brethren from the plight into which the Hindus have pressed them. In any case, the Hindus stand to lose nothing substantial if they make some generous gestures to their younger brethren even if the latter are slightly in the wrong;

4. In the next round, he harangues the Hindus that any danger to them, if really real and worth worrying about, arises not from an external aggression against them but from the injustice and oppression in their own social system which drives away its less privileged sections towards other social systems based on better premises and promises. Does not Islam promise an equality of social status because of its great ideal of the brotherhood of men? Does not Christianity present an example of dedicated social service a la Mother Teresa?

5. If the Hindus are not convinced by all these arguments and become bent upon organising some sort of a self-defence, he comes out with a fool-proof formula for that eventuality as well. The Hindus are advised to put their own house in order which, in his opinion, is the best defence they can put up. They should immediately abolish the caste system, start inter-dining and inter-marrying between the upper and lower castes, particularly the Harijans, and so on and so forth. It never occurs to him that social reform is a slow process which takes time to mature and that in the meanwhile a society is entitled to self-defence in the interests of its sheer survival;

6. If the Hindus still remain adamant, he tries his last and best ballistics upon them. He suddenly puts on a spiritual mask and lovingly appeals to the Hindus in the name of their long tradition of religious tolerance. How can the followers of Gautama and Gandhi descend to the same level as Islam and Christianity which have never known religious tolerance? The Hindus would cease to be Hindus if they also start behaving like followers of the Semitic faiths which have been conditioned differently due to historical circumstances of their birth. But he never dares put in one single word of advice to the followers of Islamism and Christianism to desist from always having it their own way. He knows it in his bones that such an advice will immediately bring upon his head the same abusive accusations which Islamism and Christianism hurl at the Hindus. This is the outcome which he dreads worse than death. He cannot risk his reputation of being secular and progressive which Islamism and Christianism confer upon him only so long as he defends their tirades against the Hindus.

But the stance which suits Macaulayism best is to sit on the fences and call a plague on both houses. The search for fairness and justice is somehow always too strenuous for a follower of Macaulayism. The one thing he loathes from the bottom of his heart is taking sides in a dispute, even if he is privately convinced as to who is the aggressor and who the victim of aggression. He views the battle as a disinterested outsider and finds it somewhat entertaining. The reports and reviews which some of our eminent journalists have filed in the daily and the periodical press about happenings in Meenakshipuram and other places where Islamism is again on the prowl, leaves an unmistakable impression that these gentlemen are not members of Hindu society but visitors from some outer space on a temporary sojourn to witness a breed of lesser beings fighting about Tweedledum and Tweedledee.

An adherent of Macaulayism can well afford to take this neutral, even hostile stance, away from and above Hindu society, its problems and its struggles, because, in the last analysis, he no more regards Hindu society as his own or as his indispensable benefactor. He has already managed to monopolise most of the political and administrative power in this country and the best jobs in business and the professions. He has secured a stranglehold on the most prestigious publicity media. The political upstarts and the neo-rich look up to him as their paragon and try to mould their sons and daughters in his image.

But what is uppermost in his mind, if not his conscious calculation, is the plenty of patrons, protectors and pay-masters he has in the West, particularly the United States of America. The scholars and social scientists over there in the progressive West approve and applaud whenever he pontificates about India’s socio-economico-cultural malaise and prescribes the proper occidental cures. They invite him to international seminars and on well-paid lecture tours to enlighten Western audiences about the true state of things in this “unfortunate” country and the rest of the “under-developed” world. He can travel extensively in the West with all expenses paid on a lavish scale. Even in this country he alone is entitled to move and establish the right contacts in social circles frequented by the powerful and the prestigious from the West.

And, God forbid, if the worst comes to the worst and the “fanatics like the RSS fascists” or the Muslim fundamentalists or the Communist totalitarians take over this country, he can always find a safe refuge in one Western country or the other. There are plenty of places which can use his talents to mutual profit. The salaries they pay and the expense accounts they allow are quite attractive. The level of living with all those latest gadgets is simply lovable. In any case, he has all those sons and daughters, nephews and nieces, cousins and close relatives ensconsed in all those cushy jobs over there—the UN agencies, the fabulous foundations, the business corporations, the universities and research institutions.

So, Hindu society with all its hullabaloo of religion and culture be damned. This society, and not he, stands to lose if he is not permitted to work out his plans for progress in peace. In any case, this society cannot pay even for his shoes getting polished properly. – Extracted from Hindu Society Under Seige, 1996

Narendra Modi Quote

Consciousness, the key to Indic thought – Michel Danino

Concious Man

The brain is merely one of the many possible channels giving expression to a very limited range of consciousness; it cannot be, in this perspective, a generator of consciousness. – Prof. Michel Danino

It is only if the cosmos is indeed a symbolic place where all has meaning that Swami Vivekananda’s profound thought becomes understandable: “One atom in this universe cannot move without dragging the whole world along with it. … Though an atom is invisible, unthinkable, yet in it are the whole power and potency of the universe.” Or Sri Aurobindo: “The stone lying inert upon the sands which is kicked away in an idle moment, has been producing its effect upon the hemispheres.” These are not some anticipated laws of modern physics, but statements of the interconnectedness of all things, bridging microcosm and macrocosm.

This should sound reassuring: we are not mere insignificant specks of dust in the universe, after all; we are potentially as vast as it is, relate to it, and can comprehend it. But what is the mechanism that accounts for this mysterious connection? In Indic thought, it is surprisingly simple, and embodies the third master idea we trace in our journey: “All creatures, those that move and those that do not move, are impelled by Consciousness,” as the Aitariya Upanishad puts it. In more current language, the distinction between animate or inanimate matter vanishes; both are impelled by consciousness, from the atom to that stone on the beach, from our planet to the swirling galaxies.

Vedic, Hindu, Jain and Buddhist philosophies have had endless discussions on the origin, nature and functioning of consciousness, for which they have used many terms depending on its particular aspect: chetana, chaitanya, chit, samvid, brahman and many more in the Vedic schools (and Jainism for the first two at least), vijñana in Buddhism: it is all that is, it is existence itself, it is what sustains the cosmos and what makes it—and us—tick. It is, in any case, vastly greater and more ancient than the human mind, and much more so than our brain. In fact, the brain is merely one of the many possible channels giving expression to a very limited range of consciousness; it cannot be, in this perspective, a generator of consciousness.

How far does this neat principle take us? As far as we wish, since consciousness is what makes knowledge possible: only the like can know the like. Knowledge by identity is indeed a central method as well as outcome of any advanced yoga or meditation technique, and would be impossible if both knower and known did not share the same substance of consciousness. As a result, if one knows the supreme consciousness, one knows all, as several Upanishads put it (yasmin vijñate sarvamevam vijñatam bhavati).

But there are more mundane consequences. If a repugnance to killing other creatures gained currency early on in Indic belief systems, it is because of the realisation that animals are potentially as conscious or sentient as we are. From Ashoka’s turn to vegetarianism or injunctions of medical treatment of animals to Kautilya’s designated forest areas free from hunting, or the Jains’ extreme care not to harm even the smallest insect, we find in literature and history remarkably advanced ecological concepts and practices.

Are these universal values? In Genesis (9:3), the Judaic god decrees that all creatures are to be at man’s service: “Every creature that lives and moves will be food for you; as I gave the green plants, I have given you everything.” In effect, orthodox Christianity regarded animals and plants as soulless, as testified by the writings of Christian saints such as Augustine or Thomas Aquinas; only later did a few popes appear to depart from this stand. Blacks and Native Americans were seen—again with a few notable exceptions—as being closer to animals than to Whites, a convenient way to legitimise racism and the slave trade. Whatever abuses casteism may have produced, attempts to equate them with racism are misguided, as the concept of race, and therefore superior and inferior races, has been alien to Indian belief and social systems—inequality and discrimination stemmed from other considerations. The respected Indian anthropologist André Béteille once wrote, “The idea of race dies hard in the popular imagination. That is understandable. What is neither understandable nor excusable is the attempt by the United Nations to revive and expand the idea of race, ostensibly to combat the many forms of social and political discrimination prevalent in the world. … By treating caste discrimination as a form of racial discrimination and, by implication, caste as a form of race, the U.N. is turning its back on established scientific opinion.”

In other words, allowing Indian society to be read through the prism of concepts rooted either in the Bible or in racist nineteenth-century European anthropology is a dangerous exercise. Despite everything, saints and spiritual figures from the lowest castes have been accepted just as others, as a glance at India’s immense Bhakti literature (among other sources) will show. At the cultural and spiritual levels, India has more or less lived up to her high principles. One wishes this were true of the social level, but that is another story.

At the religious level, the pantheistic element of Indic religion is rooted in the same concept of interconnectedness: if the whole cosmos is imbued with consciousness, all of it is sacred, potentially at least. Hence a wide array of modes of worship that were dismissed as “pagan,” “heathen,” if not “barbarian,” by a large section of colonial Indology: the worship of planets and stars, of cardinal directions, of Mount Meru as the “axis” of the universe—reflected in Indian classical architecture—of natural phenomena, of plants and animals and all other components of nature. – The New Indian Express, 6 August 2018

› Prof. Michel Danino is a French-born Indian author and scholar of ancient India.

Conciousness Cartoon

 

From Australia to UK, a global campaign to cancel Hindu identity – Yuvraj Pokharna

Hindus in Hindustan

Hindumisia isn’t just about Hindus; it’s about what happens when ignorance and tribalism win. … Hindu Dharma’s been about coexistence since forever, from sheltering Parsis in the 8th century to inspiring Gandhi’s non-violence. Letting Hindumisia fester betrays that legacy and hands bigots a win. – Yuvraj Pokharna

Yo, let’s talk straight. There was this Dismantling Global Hindutva conference some time ago. It wasn’t some academic tea-spilling session-based conference—it was a straight-up hit job. A masterclass in twisting facts, cherry-picking narratives, and serving piping-hot ignorance to demonize a 5,000-year-old civilization. The objective wasn’t critique; it was a calculated move to paint Hindu Dharma as the villain in a low-budget propaganda flick. Warning: The plot is flawed, and the facts don’t support it. Buckle up as we unpack this mess with real-world cases, names, and a vibe that’s equal parts woke and wise, calling out Hindumisia for what it is—a global campaign to cancel Hindu identity.

Hindumisia vs Hinduphobia: Know the Difference, Fam

First, let’s clear the fog. Hinduphobia and Hindumisia aren’t the same, though the West loves lumping them together like they’re interchangeable slang. Hinduphobia is that low-key shade—stereotypes, lazy tropes, and misrepresentations that make Hindu Dharma look like some backward, cow-worshipping relic. Think of media calling Diwali ‘noisy’ or yoga ‘exotic’ while ignoring their spiritual depth. It’s annoying, sure, but it’s mostly agenda dressed up as critique.

Hindumisia? That’s the real venom. It’s not just cussing and dissing the religion; it’s targeting Hindus as a people with hate so raw it spills into apartheid, expletives, and violence. We’re talking hate crimes, vandalism, and systemic erasure of Hindu identity. Hindumisia doesn’t just stereotype; it dehumanizes, painting Hindus as some fascist, oppressive blob that needs to be “dismantled”. The difference? Hinduphobia’s a vibe check that fails; Hindumisia’s a full-on frontal assault. And trust me, this hypothesis is not just a theory—it is now a lived reality, and we have instances happening on a global scale to support it.

The Colonial Roots: Where the Hate Began 

Hindumisia didn’t pop up overnight. It’s got roots deeper than a banyan tree, stretching back to the colonial era when European powers rolled into Bharat with their Bibles and inflated superiority complexes. To justify the exploitation and the loot of the subcontinent, they needed to make the Hindu Dharma look like the reprehensible guy. Cue the OG fake news: British scholars and missionaries branded Hinduism as “crude” and “superstitious”. They zoomed in on issues like caste or sati, blowing them out of proportion while ghosting the wisdom of the Vedas, the philosophy of the Upanishads, or the ethical flex of the Mahabharata.

Take Max Müller, the German Indologist who’s still a big name in Western academia. Dude loved Sanskrit but framed Hinduism through a Christian lens, calling it a “chaotic” religion that needed Western “order”. Monier Monier-Williams, known for his extensive Sanskrit dictionary, subtly advanced the notion that Hinduism was inferior to monotheism in his writings. These people weren’t just smart scholars; they were Westerners who concocted a story that made Bharat’s culture seem inferior to justify colonial rule. In 2025, that colonial shade still persists in how the West talks about Hindu Dharma.

The Failed Show of Dismantling Global Hindutva

The Dismantling Global Hindutva conference of 2021 was a virtual circus that more than forty North American universities, including Harvard and Rutgers, supported. Billed as an academic takedown of Hindutva, it was less about scholarship and more about slandering Hindu Dharma.  The speakers—many with zero lived experience of Hindu culture—threw around terms like “fascist,” “supremacist,” and “oppressive” like they were handing out flyers. They equated Hindutva with Nazism, ignoring its actual meaning: a philosophy of inclusivity, not a political hit list.

The conference wasn’t just sloppy; it was malicious. Organizers like Audrey Truschke, a self-professed Aurangzeb fan and a Rutgers professor known for her unpalatable takes on Hindu texts, pushed a narrative that flattened Hindu society into a caricature of violence and casteism. No mention of “Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam” (the world is one family) or the Rig Veda’s “Ekam sat vipra bahudha vadanti” (truth is one, sages call it by many names). Instead, they served a buffet of half-truths, like claiming Hindutva fuels all of India’s social woes while sidestepping Hindu Dharma’s history of pluralism and non-violence. It was the pinnacle of Hindumisia—disguised as scholarship but slobbering with contempt.

Real-World Receipts: Hindumisia in Real Life

This isn’t just an academic beef; Hindumisia hits hard IRL. Let’s talk names and cases that expose the hate for what it is.

Oxford’s Fallen Star (2021): Rashmi, a 22-year-old sharp girl from Karnataka, made history by becoming the first Indian woman to be president of the Oxford University Students’ Union. But five days after she was elected, she was forced to resign. Why? Critics called old tweets ‘racist’ and ‘insensitive’, but they didn’t bother to look at the context. Rashmi said it out loud: Hindumisia was the real cause. People used her Hindu identity against her, and online mobs and Oxford societies piled on until she quit. Of course, the university denied it, but the pattern is clear: being proud of being Hindu gets you cancelled.

Shubh Patel, Australia’s Soccer Snub (2022): Because he wouldn’t take off his Tulsi Mala, a sacred Hindu necklace, Shubh, a 12-year-old Hindu boy in Melbourne, was kicked out of a soccer game. It wasn’t a problem that he had worn it before. But this time, the referee wouldn’t let it happen because of ‘safety’ rules that seemed more like bias. Rajesh Patel, Shubh’s dad, told News18, “It felt like they were punishing my son for being Hindu.” The incident isn’t the only time this has happened; it’s part of a pattern in Australia where Hindu symbols are becoming more and more common.

Mississauga Park Attack, Canada (2023): A 44-year-old Hindu man named Anil Kumar was doing a puja with his wife and two kids in Streetsville Park when two teens started throwing rocks and yelling anti-Hindu slurs. Anil was hurt, and the family had to run away. Peel Regional Police said the attack was a hate crime, according to CBC reports. But what was the attackers’ reason? Pure Hindumisia, based on stereotypes about people who worship idols. Canada’s Hindu diaspora, which is more than 8,00,000 strong, has to deal with this vibe check way too often.

Pratima Roy, NASA’s Targeted Intern (2024): Pratima, a 21-year-old NASA intern from Kolkata, posted a pic of her desk with a Ganesha idol and a small puja setup. The X backlash was instant—trolls called her “superstitious” and “unfit for science”. One viral post racked up 10K likes, sneering, “NASA’s hiring cow worshippers now?” Pratima clapped back, saying, “My faith doesn’t clash with my work.” But the hate kept coming, proving Hindumisia’s alive and well in the digital age.

Leicester Riots, UK (2022): Post an India–Pakistan cricket match, Leicester saw anti-Hindu violence flare up. Hindu homes and businesses were vandalized, with reports of mobs chanting anti-Hindu slurs. The Hindu American Foundation noted fifteen arrests, but the UK media framed it as “clashes between communities”, downplaying the targeted Hindumisia. Local Hindu leader Mihir Shah told the BBC, “Our temples were attacked, but the narrative blames us equally.” These aren’t isolated Ls. From Australia to Canada to the UK, Hindumisia’s going global, and it’s not just random—it’s systemic, fuelled by a mix of colonial baggage and modern misinformation.

Hindutva: The Most Misunderstood Vibe

So, what’s Hindutva, and why does it trigger so many? The West slaps labels like “Hindu nationalism” or “Hindu supremacy” on it, but that’s like calling chai a latte—close, but no cigar. Hindutva, derived from the words “Hindu” and “tattva” (essence), is neither a religion nor a political manifesto. It’s a way of life, rooted in Bharat’s ancient philosophy of inclusivity, tolerance, and spiritual flex. Unlike “isms” that box you in with dogmas, Hindutva is about freedom—question the Vedas, reject a guru, or vibe with Jainism, and you’re still Hindu. No gatekeeping here.

J. Nandakumar, RSS thinker and author, nails it: “Hindutva’s only dogma is that it doesn’t permit dogmas.” It’s why Hindus have coexisted with Jains, Buddhists, and Sikhs for centuries—no beef (pun intended). Compare that to the Abrahamic lens the West uses, where religion’s a rulebook from god. Hindutva? It’s more like a playlist—diverse tracks, same vibe. The Rig Veda’s “Ekam sat vipra bahudha vadanti” (truth is one, call it what you want) or the Maha Upanishad’s “Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam” (world’s one family) aren’t just quotes—they’re the OG flex of Hindu pluralism.

But the West’s got no vocab for this. They call Hinduism a “religion” like it’s Christianity’s cousin, missing the point that it’s dharma—a cosmic framework for life, not a rulebook. Water’s dharma is to flow; a soldier’s is to protect. Attempt to incorporate that into a Western dictionary. Spoiler: you can’t.

The Colonial Hangover in Academia and Media

The Dismantling Global Hindutva conference is just the latest episode in a long-running series of academic Hindumisia. Scholars like Audrey Truschke or Wendy Doniger often lean on colonial frameworks, building careers with their egregious takes on Hindu texts and portraying Hinduism as a chaotic mess of caste and cow fetishism. Their work gets amplified in Ivy League halls and journals like Journal of Asian Studies, while Hindu scholars like Rajiv Malhotra or Koenraad Elst are sidelined as fringe. It reflects a form of academic gatekeeping.

The media’s no better. Media outlets such as The New York Times and The Guardian often portray Hindu nationalism in a monolithic manner, disregarding the diversity of Hindu thought. When they cover India’s BJP or RSS, they portray “Hindu extremism” without any nuance, portraying one billion Hindus as a monolithic group. Such coverage fuels real-world hate—like the 2023 vandalism of a Hindu temple in Cary, North Carolina, where swastikas (not the Hindu swastika, mind you) were spray-painted on a Ganesha statue. The local Hindu community, per a WRAL News report, was left shaken, with temple president Anil Bedi saying, “This isn’t just vandalism; it’s an attack on our identity.”

Fighting Back: A Call to Slay the Hate

Hindumisia’s not just a vibe—it’s a virus, and we need an antidote ASAP. Here’s the game plan:

Educate, Don’t Hate: Hindus have to own the narrative. Host workshops, drop X threads, and make reels that break down dharma’s depth—its philosophy, art, and science. Schools like Chinmaya Mission are already doing this, teaching kids about the Upanishads’ wisdom. Scale it up; make it viral.

Link Up with Allies: This battle isn’t just a Hindu fight. Team up with other faith groups—Sikhs, Jains, even progressive Christians—who vibe with pluralism. Interfaith dialogues, like those hosted by the Hindu American Foundation, can build bridges and dunk on prejudice.

Call Out the BS: When you see Hindumisia—whether it’s a shady conference or a biased BBC article—clap back. Write op-eds, flood X with facts, and hold academics and journalists accountable. Hashtags like #HindumisiaExposed can trend if we move as a squad.

•  Amplify Hindu Voices: Scholars like Ankur Barua or activists like Suhag Shukla deserve more mic time. Platforms like Swarajya or OpIndia are already pushing back against Hindumisia—support them, share them, and make them go viral.

•  Legal Flex: Hate crimes like the Mississauga attack or Leicester riots need justice. Push for stronger hate crime laws, like Canada’s Bill C-63 (2024), which targets online hate but needs teeth to protect Hindus specifically. Swami Vivekananda dropped the ultimate bar: “Arise, awake, and stop not until the goal is reached.” That’s the energy we need. Hindumisia thrives because we’ve not been unnerved. We have rather been calm and unruffled, letting colonial narratives and academic clowns define us. No more. It’s time to flex Bharat’s truth—dharma’s not just a religion; it’s a blueprint for a better world.

The Bigger Picture: Why This Matters

Hindumisia isn’t just about Hindus; it’s about what happens when ignorance and tribalism win. If we let this hate slide, it sets a precedent for any community to be targeted—Sikhs, Jews, Muslims, Jains, you name it. Hindu Dharma’s been about coexistence since forever, from sheltering Parsis in the 8th century to inspiring Gandhi’s non-violence. Letting Hindumisia fester betrays that legacy and hands bigots a win.

The Dismantling Global Hindutva conference served as a crucial awakening. It showed how far some will go to erase a civilization’s truth. But it also sparked a fire under internet-savvy Hindus, from X warriors to Gen Z creators, who are out here dropping truth bombs. A report by the Hindu American Foundation in 2023 noted a 30 per cent spike in anti-Hindu hate crimes in the US alone—proof the fight’s real, but so is our resolve. Hindumisia’s got no place in 2025. We are not only fighting for Hindu Dharma but also for a world where truth, tolerance, and respect are paramount. Let’s make it happen, fam. – The Print, 3 June 2026

Yuvraj Pokharna is a Surat-based educator, columnist, and social activist who keeps a eye on contemporary issues including Social Media, Education, Politics, Hindutva, Bharat (India) and Government Policies. He is the author of the book Hindutva For Gen Z, from which the above article has been excerpted.

NYC Hinduphobia Banner

Audrey Truschke: In defence of a clickbait historian – Utpal Kumar

Dr. Audrey Truschke, associate professor in the Department of History at Rutgers University-Newark.

From Aurangzeb to the Pashupati seal, Audrey Truschke has inadvertently exposed the intellectual hollowness of Left-‘liberal’ historiography – Utpal Kumar

At the very outset, I must make a confession. I like Audrey Truschke. Not because I agree with her. Quite the opposite. I like her because few ‘historians’ in recent years have done more to expose the intellectual frailties, ideological biases and selective morality of contemporary Left-‘liberal’ historiography than she has.

In her relentless attempts to sanitise Aurangzeb, delegitimise Hindutva and challenge civilisational narratives associated with Bharat, Truschke has inadvertently become the perfect case study of what happens when ideology trumps scholarship. She represents a new clique of historians that is least interested in understanding the past and is determined to weaponise history to win politico-ideological battles.

Take her defence of Aurangzeb, for instance. One of her favourite arguments is that the Mughal emperor employed a large number of Hindus in his administration. And that’s why he was secular. To bolster her position, she claims that Aurangzeb employed more Hindus than Akbar. The implication is obvious: a ruler who employed Hindus could not have been anti-Hindu.

Empires, after all, do not recruit administrators and generals out of affection. They recruit them out of necessity. Aurangzeb employed Hindus such as Raja Jai Singh and Raja Jaswant Singh because they were militarily capable and politically useful. He needed Hindu warriors to fight Hindu adversaries, most notably the Marathas. And when they were not battling Marathas, these Hindu generals were useful in fighting difficult frontier campaigns such as Afghanistan. This was imperial pragmatism, not secular idealism. Even the British did the same to safeguard the Raj. The absurdity of the argument can be gauged from the fact that if the mere employment of members of a community is sufficient proof of affection for that community, then Hitler could be projected as a benefactor of Jews. After all, the Nazis had scores of Jews serving them.

Yet, this kind of reductionism has become a hallmark of Leftist historiography. More so of the Truschke-ian manual of history writing.

She has repeatedly claimed that Hindutva was inspired by Nazism and that its early proponents, especially those from the RSS, admired Hitler. To support this claim, she cites We, Or Our Nationhood Defined. Truschke claims M.S. Golwalkar wrote this book in 1939, even when the second RSS Sarsanghchalak had expressly said in May 1963 that it was an abridged translation of a Marathi text, Rashtra Mimansa, written by Babarao Savarkar.

Here again, the one thing that’s sacrificed is nuanced history. In 1939, when We, Or Our Nationhood Defined was published, the world did not possess the knowledge of Nazi atrocities that later generations would acquire. The Holocaust, as it is understood today, had not yet entered global consciousness. Ashley Rindsberg’s The Gray Lady Winked documents how influential Western institutions, including The New York Times, frequently downplayed the sinister nature of the Nazi regime. Holocaust-related stories were marginalised, buried deep within newspapers and denied the prominence their significance demanded.

Rindsberg writes, “In the six years of the war, The New York Times printed Holocaust-related stories on its front page exactly six times. Never once in the more than 18,000 Times issues during the war was a Holocaust story a lead article for the day. And, accordingly, never once has The New York Times officially apologised for the way that it covered—or did not cover—the Holocaust.”

If one is to apply contemporary moral standards retrospectively, then many revered Western institutions would stand equally accused. The very institutions Truschke often seeks legitimacy from. But then, by now we know Truschke’s history is bereft of nuances. It is more tabloid, clickbait history.

Pashupati Seal

This week, one encountered another manifestation of Truschke-ian history when the professor of South Asian history at Rutgers University claimed that the famous Pashupati seal of the Saraswati (Harappa) civilisation has nothing to do with Pashupati (Shiva). Yes, you heard it right.

The controversy began after the Ministry of Culture shared the image of what is commonly believed (even among “eminent historians” led by Romila Thapar and A.L. Basham) to be the Pashupati seal, describing it as evidence of Bharat’s “civilisational continuity” and an early depiction of Shiva worship. Truschke took to social media, her new tool to push historical boundaries, to say that the figure should not be identified as Shiva and may instead reflect a broader “Lord of Animals” motif seen across ancient Eurasian cultures. The image was “more likely adapted from proto-Elamite iconography”, she wrote on X.

Given the ludicrousness of the claim, it does not even make sense to argue with her that recent scientific and archaeological findings mostly vindicate what Bharat’s long literary tradition has always maintained: that if there was ever any migration, it was westward, not otherwise. (Even the Satapatha Brahmana, which our “eminent historians” pompously quote, talks about an eastward journey within Bharat, and not from outside.) Given her preconceived notion of history, it does not make sense to waste time discussing with her how the supposedly illiterate, barbarian Aryans could compose such refined literature as the Vedas. How else can one react when one realises that she and her ilk are talking about Aryans invading (migrating into) the subcontinent and composing Vedic literature on the banks of the mighty Saraswati around 1500 BC when modern scientific and archaeological findings point to the river drying up around 1900 BC?

Given Truschke’s ideology-dictated state of mind, it defies logic to argue to her that most Harappan sites have been unearthed along the dried course of Saraswati. It would be too much to expect from her to appreciate that language is often the stickiest thing to let go of—even for those who have converted to another religion (look at Iran and Bangladesh); yet, the rich, urbane and sophisticated Harappans not only abandoned their own language but also willingly adopted that of their invaders. It would be even more difficult for her to understand that the words found in the 14th-century BC Mittani records (which our “eminent historians” claim were left when Aryans were still in Central Asia had not yet reached the subcontinent) are closer to the language used in later Vedic literature. Had the Mittanis been part of a pre-Rig Vedic phase, they would have shown similarities with that, rather than later Vedic language.

So, how should one react when Truschke comes up with such historical inventions?

First and foremost, it must be realised that she is an integral part of the larger Leftist historiography that innately believes Bharat is a doomed scenario. Any interpretation strengthening civilisational continuity within the Indic ecosystem must be subjected to scrutiny. Every possibility must be questioned. Every claim must be problematised. Every tradition must be treated with suspicion.

Truschke is a pop version of the “eminent historians”, pursuing clickbait historiography. Her difference from, say, Romila Thapar is tactical. The modus operandi is simple: The likes of Romila Thapar would claim that there existed Pashupati seals and connect them with proto-Shiva, and then, strategically, Truschke—and our own Ruchika Sharma—would be let loose to make such wild Eurasian claims. This makes the otherwise ludicrous Leftist claims of the likes of Thapar suddenly appear moderate. What was previously seen as controversial acquires an aura of reasonableness simply because something even more provocative has entered the conversation.

So, next time a Truschke or a Sharma makes an outrageous claim, don’t get outraged. Clickbait historians thrive on outcry. The best way to belittle the Leftist line of historiography is to come up with a new, longer line of nationalist historiography. Individual efforts have been made in that direction. What’s missing is the institutional approach. Till that’s done, keep exposing the likes of Romila Thapar and keep ignoring the pop distorians such as Truschke.

Bharat still awaits the institutionalisation of its history written from its own perspective. This cannot be Left to “eminent historians”. Far less their tabloid, clickbait versions. – Firstpost, 30 May 2026

›  Utpal Kumar is the author of the book, ‘Eminent Distorians: Twists and Truths in Bharat’s History’. 

Historian Graffiti Cartoon

Romila Thapar and the collapse of the ‘eminent’ Marxist monopoly – Utpal Kumar

Romila Thapar

The real challenge before Indian historiography today is not the existence of competing narratives, but the treatment of one ideological school as the sole custodian of intellectual legitimacy while dismissing all dissent as ignorance. – Utpal Kumar ‘

Sometimes the crisis of Indian historiography can be captured through a single viral clip.

In the video, eminent historian Romila Thapar confidently claims that Patanjali described the relationship between Brahmins and Sramanas as being like that between a snake and a mongoose. It is a striking image, perfectly suited to the Marxist interpretation of ancient Bharat as a perpetual battlefield of social conflict. There is, however, one problem: the passage does not exist in Patanjali’s Mahabhashya. As author Nityananda Mishra explains in the viral clip, Patanjali refers to Sramanas and Brahmins together only once, and even there the snake-mongoose analogy is absent. Interestingly, the same claim had appeared in Thapar’s earlier works, including Interpreting Early India (1992) and Cultural Pasts (2000).

This incident is important not merely because it reveals the truth about a disputed quotation. It is important because it raises uncomfortable questions about the authority exercised by certain schools of Indian historiography and the reluctance within parts of academia to subject “eminent” historians to the same scrutiny they routinely apply to others.

For decades, a relatively small ideological circle dominated the country’s historical discourse. Their influence rested not merely on scholarship, but also on institutional power. They wrote textbooks, controlled college and university departments, influenced media narratives, and determined who truly qualified to be a “serious” historian. Those who questioned them were dismissed as communal, revivalist, unscientific, or simply “unqualified”. The irony, of course, is that many of these guardians of “scientific history” were themselves shielded from the most elementary standards of scrutiny.

That immunity is now gone.

Romila Thapar’s recent memoir, Just Being, reflects this anxiety. She laments the growing influence of what she calls “non-historians” in shaping public understandings of the past and argues that official support is increasingly going towards narratives different from those produced by “professionally trained historians”.

“Until a decade or two ago,” Thapar writes, “historical scholarship was not interfered with by unqualified people. That situation has now changed. The perception of history that is being popularised and has official backing is distinct from that which is being researched by scholars. The two are moving in opposite directions. The danger is that the latter may be nullified by the official support given to the former.”

The complaint reveals a deeper unease. After all, the first time since Independence, Marxist historiography in the country no longer enjoys uncontested intellectual authority. It is this erosion of monopoly, more than disagreement itself, that seems to have generated such anxiety, if not anger.

If one looks back, the country’s “eminent” historians evaded intellectual accountability for most of the post-Independence era. In fact, the only time they were put in the dock—quite literally—was when they went to the Allahabad High Court as “expert witnesses” in the Ram Janmabhoomi case. The Ayodhya case was unusual because it compelled our “professionally trained” historians to leave classrooms and seminar halls to enter a courtroom, where claims had to withstand cross-examination rather than ideological consensus. As author Arvind Singh writes in India’s Rogue Historians, the Ram Janmabhoomi dispute was “perhaps the only instance where Marxist historiography was weighed on jurisprudence”.

The results were devastating. One after another, “expert witnesses” collapsed under cross-examination. Behind the intimidating academic reputations lay conjecture, second-hand assumptions, ideological certainties, and in some cases startling unfamiliarity with the very primary evidence on which they claimed expertise.

One striking example was Prof Suresh Chandra Mishra, who appeared before the court as an expert witness and epigraphist. Prof Mishra initially claimed that inscriptions found at the disputed structure were written in Arabic. Later, he revised the statement and said they were in Persian. Eventually, under cross-examination, he admitted that he knew neither Persian nor Arabic. The contradiction was devastating because epigraphic expertise necessarily depends upon linguistic competence.

The matter became even more awkward when Prof. Mishra claimed he had compared the inscriptions with passages from the Baburnama, which he said he carried inside the disputed premises. When he was cornered by the other side, which argued that one was not allowed to carry anything inside, he changed his statement again, saying he had relied on memory to compare the inscriptions after coming out of the site. Justice Sudhir Agarwal dryly noted this “wonderful memory”, particularly given Mishra’s admission that he knew “neither Persian nor Arabic”.

Then came archaeologist Suraj Bhan, another prominent figure of the academic establishment. His credentials appeared impressive in public debates, but under oath the limitations became apparent. Despite holding degrees involving Sanskrit, he admitted he could neither read nor speak the language. Justice Agarwal observed that Bhan “has not read the text of the inscriptions as published in different books from time to time and had no occasion to compare them”, and that parts of his testimony rested on “pure conjecture and surmise”.

Similarly, Prof. Suvira Jaiswal reportedly acknowledged that, despite appearing as an “expert witness” in the Ayodhya case, she had not read key primary sources such as the Baburnama. Another star expert witness, Prof. Shirin Musavi, reportedly stated that she had never personally visited Ayodhya to examine the disputed structure; she believed such examination was unnecessary for a historian.

These were the historians who were supported and patronised, often openly, by the country’s leading historians led by Romila Thapar, R.S. Sharma, D.N. Jha and Irfan Habib, among others. It is interesting that while these second-rank historians took the lead in supporting the Babri Masjid cause, the top historians avoided doing so. They knew the pitfalls of their historiography. They knew it would not withstand cross-questioning. They were also not used to being questioned in public.

The case exposes a contradiction at the heart of elite academic discourse in the country. Historians who insist upon methodological rigour and denounce dissenters as “non-historians” were themselves, in a case as significant as Ayodhya, found relying on assumptions, ideological predispositions, or incomplete engagement with primary evidence.

The larger issue, however, is not that historians can make mistakes. Genuine scholarship always leaves room for error, revision and correction. The real problem is the culture of intellectual insulation that protected certain historians from sustained scrutiny for decades. Within academic and media ecosystems, their assertions were often treated as settled truth. Critical examination was discouraged because it threatened the ideological consensus that dominated post-Independence intellectual life.

The real challenge before Indian historiography today is not the existence of competing narratives. A confident civilisation can accommodate disagreements. The danger lies instead in treating one ideological school as the sole custodian of intellectual legitimacy while dismissing all dissent as ignorance.

Ironically, as Romila Thapar’s memoir itself suggests, the decline of intellectual monopolies often produces resentment. Much of the current anxiety and anger directed at “non-historians” appears rooted less in questions of qualification than in the loss of cultural and institutional control.

History does not—and cannot—belong permanently to any ideological priesthood. – Firstpost, 25 May 2026

Utpal Kumar is the author of the book, ‘Eminent Distorians: Twists and Truths in Bharat’s History’. 

Historian Cartoon

Marco Rubio and the Missionaries of Charity – Shravan K. Shukla

Marco Rubio & Sergio Gor

The US Secretary of State’s visit to the Missionaries of Charity, an organisation facing serious legal charges in Indian courts for forced conversions, child trafficking, and financial fraud is a flagrant disregard for India’s judicial system and internal security. – Shravan Kumar Shukla

United States Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s four-day visit to India has created a new political stir in the country. This is the first time in 14 years that a US Secretary of State has landed directly in Kolkata instead of the national capital, New Delhi. The last time a US representative landed straight in Kolkata was in 2012, when Hillary Clinton flew down to the city. But Rubio’s visit to Kolkata turned out to be highly controversial.

Upon reaching Kolkata, instead of attending any official or strategic event, he went straight to the headquarters (Mother House) of the Missionaries of Charity, founded by Mother Teresa.

Missionaries of Charity has been at the centre of intense Indian government surveillance, foreign funding restrictions, and serious allegations of violations of law over the past few years. Marco Rubio’s first visit to India upon his arrival and his closed-door meeting with the organisation’s officials do not look like mere diplomatic courtesy. In diplomatic circles, it is being seen as a concerted and strategic US effort to challenge India’s sovereignty and strengthen the global standing of the controversial Christian missionaries.

Let’s dive a little deeper to understand the entire incident and analyse the dark chapters and controversies associated with the Missionaries of Charity, which are echoing from the internet to the courts.

The controversy related to the government crackdown on funding, i.e., FCRA

The most significant administrative and financial conflict between the Missionaries of Charity and the Indian government emerged in December 2021. The Union Home Ministry completely halted the renewal of the organisation’s foreign funding license under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA). The Ministry had strong input that the large sums of money received by the organisation from abroad in the name of donations were being used for activities that were detrimental to the national interest.

Besides, the organisation failed to furnish the financial documents and account details required for the audit on time, which raised serious questions about its financial transparency. The administrative action sparked a major political storm within the country. The then-Chief Minister of West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee, and several opposition parties, including the Congress, baselessly accused the central government of targeting minorities.

The government took a firm stance on this matter, clarifying that it had not frozen any accounts, but the institution itself had submitted a request to the State Bank of India to freeze its accounts. Later, in January 2022, after being surrounded from all sides, when the institution submitted the necessary documents and clarifications to the government, its registration was reinstated.

Forced conversions under the guise of service and hurting Hindu sentiments

The organisation has long been accused of cunningly converting poor Hindus under the guise of ‘service’ and ‘help’. The case relating to one of the organisation’s children’s homes (shelter homes) in Vadodara, Gujarat, was the most vivid and horrifying example of its vile activities.

In December 2021, District Social Security Officer Mayank Trivedi and the Child Welfare Committee conducted a surprise inspection of a girls’ home in the Makarpura area. The findings shocked administrative officials as well as the entire Hindu community.

The investigation team found that destitute Hindu girls living in the orphanage were being forced to read Christian religious texts (the Bible). These innocent girls were also forced to participate in Christian prayers and wear crosses around their necks. An FIR was registered at the Makarpura police station under the Gujarat Freedom of Religion Act, 2003, for hurting Hindu religious sentiments and for allegedly using allurement to convert. This despicable scheme, operating under the guise of service, was exposed when officials discovered that the organisation was bent on eradicating all signs of the original religion of the girls.

The investigation committee’s report made shocking revelations, including an instance when a Hindu girl was given to a Christian family against her will. Furthermore, Hindu girls were forcibly served non-vegetarian food (meat) in an attempt to corrupt their religious beliefs.

While Missionaries of Charity spokespersons, as usual, dismissed all these allegations as baseless and false, a joint investigation team comprising several departments, formed by the police and the district collector, found these allegations to be true, leading to legal action.

The ugly face of human trafficking, involving the buying and selling of newborn babies

Forced religious conversions are not the only illegal activity that the Missionaries of Charity has been accused of; the organisation was also involved in inhumane acts of selling newborn babies for money. The organisation’s ugly face came to light in 2018 at one of its shelter homes in Ranchi, Jharkhand.

In Ranchi, the police arrested two Sisters (nuns) of the Missionaries of Charity red-handed while they were illegally trafficking newborn babies. This incident exposed the horrific network of child trafficking operating under the ‘holy’ and ‘compassionate’ facade of the organisation founded by Mother Teresa.

Considering the grave nature of the activities, the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) directly approached the Supreme Court. The Commission urged the country’s highest court to establish a Special Investigation Team (SIT) under Supreme Court supervision to investigate the mysterious disappearances and sale of children from shelter homes run by these Christian missionary organisations.

The Commission alleged that the then government officials of Jharkhand adopted a very lax attitude in such a sensitive matter, and continuous efforts were made to suppress the investigation of this big racket.

The statistics revealed during the Commission’s in-depth investigation were horrifying and shocking. Between 2015 and 2018, approximately 450 destitute and impoverished pregnant women were admitted to this shelter home in Ranchi. However, when the records were examined, only 170 children were legally recorded.

The organisation had no information about the remaining 280 newborns, including where they went or what happened to them. Following this confirmation, the Supreme Court issued notices to the governments of nine states, including Jharkhand, West Bengal, Assam, and Bihar, and ordered an investigation into this human trafficking ring.

The Dark Truth of Mother Teresa – Deceit, Hypocrisy and the “Ghoul of Kolkata”

The Indian Constitution calls for the development of a scientific temper and a sense of rationality in every citizen. However, the entire process of Mother Teresa’s canonisation by the Vatican was based on blatant superstition, hypocrisy, and a direct insult to medical science.

To canonise Teresa, the Vatican made the ridiculous claim that simply touching her portrait cured people of incurable cancers and tumours overnight. Indian doctors and intellectuals denounced this as sheer sorcery for misleading people and promoting superstition.

Renowned British author Christopher Hitchens, in his acclaimed book The Missionary Position, blasted Mother Teresa’s hypocritical image. He directly referred to her as the “Ghoul of Kolkata”. Hitchens’s compelling argument was that Teresa’s institute was not dedicated to providing modern treatment to the suffering, but instead deprived the sick and the dying of modern medicine, leaving them to suffer. The sick were told that their suffering was divine punishment for their sins, and that they should endure it silently and without complaint.

The research of NRI Dr Arup Chatterjee is considered most significant in exposing the sordid truths of this organisation. He conducted on-ground research on the organisation’s operations for nearly 25 years and exposed all its dark deeds in his authoritative book, Mother Teresa: The Untold Story.

In the book, Dr Chatterjee stated that the organisation received billions and billions of rupees in donations from around the world, yet patients at its Kolkata centres lacked even basic medical facilities, clean needles, and painkillers. The Indian government was never given any account of where this vast sum of money disappeared.

Support from global powers and a controversial political nexus

Mother Teresa’s entire life was filled with controversies, radical statements, and stories of accepting donations from the world’s most notorious criminals and corrupt figures. When she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1979, she shocked the world by declaring in her speech that the greatest threat to global peace was not nuclear weapons or war, but abortion. This deeply conservative and anti-women statement was strongly condemned by modern society and women’s rights organisations worldwide, clearly revealing her narrow religious agenda.

In 1984, when the devastating gas tragedy struck Bhopal, India, killing thousands of innocent people, Mother Teresa went there to offer solace. But instead of fighting for justice, she offered the victims the suicidal advice of quietly forgiving the corporate culprit, Union Carbide.

Mother Teresa at Union Carbide, Bhopal.

Critics firmly believe that she consistently served as an agent of Western corporate powers and governments, such as Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher. Furthermore, she accepted a $1.25 million donation from the notorious American financial fraudster Charles Keating and later defended him in court.

The US effort to provide oxygen to Christian missionaries

Despite all these murky controversies, lawsuits, and serious allegations of human trafficking surrounding the organisation, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s decision to visit the Missionaries of Charity as soon as he arrived in India appears to be a deliberate political plot. International affairs analysts believe that the US has consistently employed a devious policy of exerting strategic pressure on developing countries by using the false facade of “religious freedom” and “human rights.”

Rubio’s visit is actually an open attempt to provide oxygen to these missionaries who have been financially and socially weakened due to the tough stance of the Indian government, and revive them at the global level.

The US Secretary of State’s personal visit to an organisation facing serious legal charges in Indian courts for forced conversions, child trafficking, and financial fraud is tantamount to a flagrant disregard for India’s judicial system and internal security. Washington intends to convey the message through this visit that it stands as a shield for these Christian networks operating in India. – Opindia, 24 May 2026

Shravan Kumar Shukla is multimedia journalist passionate about digital media. He has been actively engaged in journalism, working across diverse platforms including agencies, news channels, and print publications. 

See also

  1. Kolkata will take a century to recover from Mother Teresa – Aroup Chatterjee
  2. How Mother Teresa became a saint – Christopher Hitchens
  3. Mother Teresa’s troubled legacy – S. Bedford
  4. Mother Teresa: More dirt on the saint of the gutters – Jayant Chowdhury
  5. Aroup Chatterjee: Revealing the whole truth about Mother Teresa – Kai Schultz
  6. St Teresa: The hypocrisy of it all – Jayant Chowdhury
  7. The scandal of Mother Teresa’s sainthood – Canterbury Atheist
  8. Mother Teresa defended notorious paedophile priest – Nelson Jones
  9. Mommie Dearest – Christopher Hitchens
  10. Nobel Prize acceptance speech – Mother Teresa
  11. To many critics, Mother Teresa is still no saint –  Adam Taylor
  12. Mother Teresa and her millions – Susan Shields & Walter Wuellenweber
  13. The ‘miracle’ that makes a saint out of Mother Teresa – Jaideep Mazumdar
  14. Mother Teresa was “anything but a saint” say research scholars – Kounteya Sinha
  15. Indian Rationalists question mother Teresa’s ovarian miracle – Sanal Edamaruku
  16. Mother Teresa brainwashed Hindus and fuelled an insurgency, claim BJP leaders – Andrew Marszal
  17. Is canonising Mother Teresa the Vatican’s strategy to gain ground in India? – Sandeep B.
  18. VIDEOS: Mother Teresa and her cult of suffering – Christopher Hitchens, Aroup Chatterjee & Others

Mother Teresa with Charles Keating

Trump’s endgame is surrender – Robert Kagan

Donald Trump

Trump no doubt hopes that he can slip away without Americans noticing the magnitude of this defeat. … The President may also hope that he can change the subject by launching another military operation, this time against the government in Cuba. And the news media have indeed begun writing more about Cuba than about the unfolding disaster in Iran. – Robert Kagan

The outlines of President Trump’s endgame in the Iran war are now emerging. In a phone call with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu yesterday, Trump reportedly explained that the United States was negotiating a “letter of intent” with Iran that would “formally end the war and launch a 30-day period of negotiations” on Iran’s nuclear program and the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz. The purpose and effect of such an agreement should be clear: The United States is walking away from the crisis. Trump may launch another limited strike to look tough and satisfy the demands of the war’s supporters, but it would be a performative gesture. Endgame in this case is a euphemism for “surrender.”

Trump has blinked many times in the confrontation with Iran—ever since March 18, when Israel attacked the Pars gas field and Iran retaliated with a strike against Qatar’s most important natural-gas-production facility. Trump then called for a halt on U.S. and Israeli targeting of Iran’s energy infrastructure, and the war effectively ended.

Trump’s repeated threats to resume attacks since then have proved to be bluffs. The leaders in Tehran have been calculating for two months that Trump would not launch another attack, and for this reason they have made no concessions despite the damage they suffered from 37 days of relentless strikes. On the contrary, their terms for a settlement are those of a victor: They demand war reparations, no limits on uranium enrichment, recognized control of the strait, and an end to sanctions.

For Trump to respond to this defiance by now calling for another 30 days of cease-fire and talks is a tacit admission of defeat. If he does launch a performative attack in the next few days, the Iranians will understand it for what it is. No one believes that he is going to resume a full-scale war a month from now. Among other reasons, with 30 more days to heal, rearm, and fill its coffers with tolls, Iran will be a more formidable adversary.

In 30 days, moreover, the new Iranian strait regime may already be firmly in place. As the Institute for the Study of War reports, Iran has been using the cease-fire period to “normalize” its control over the strait by “compelling oil-importing countries” to establish transit agreements with Tehran and charging fees on vessels from nations without such deals. According to Iranian officials, the new strait regime will give Iran’s strategic partners, such as Russia and China, priority and allow nations friendly to Iran, such as India and Pakistan, to negotiate their own transit agreements. Vessels associated with nations that Iran regards as an adversary will be denied access to the strait entirely.

Several nations, including South Korea, Turkey, and Iraq, are reportedly already negotiating at least temporary transit agreements. Now that Trump has made clear he has no intention of fighting to reopen the strait, the stampede to get good terms with Tehran will begin. All nations heavily dependent on energy from the Persian Gulf will want to cut their deal quickly to get the oil and gas and other commodities flowing and rescue their battered economy. Those nations currently allied with the United States and friendly to Israel will feel pressure to distance themselves and make their peace with Iran. The international sanctions against Iran will collapse, and even more money will pour into the country’s accounts as its newly central role in the global economy becomes normalized. By the end of 30 days, most of the world will have a stake in the new arrangement and will oppose any resumption of hostilities, even in the unlikely event that Trump wanted to go back to war.

Trump no doubt hopes that he can slip away without Americans noticing the magnitude of this defeat. The financial markets may stabilize if it is clear that oil will eventually start flowing again through a reopened strait, even if under the new Iran-controlled system. A major strategic setback for the United States need not affect Wall Street. The president may also hope that he can change the subject by launching another military operation, this time against the government in Cuba. And the news media have indeed begun writing more about Cuba than about the unfolding disaster in Iran.

According to one U.S. official, Netanyahu’s “hair was on fire” after the call with Trump—for good reason. The Iran war may end up as the single most devastating blow to Israel’s security in its brief history. On the present trajectory, Iran will emerge from the conflict many times stronger and more influential than it was before the war. It will exercise leverage with dozens of the richest nations in the world, all of which will have an acute interest in keeping Iran happy. They will be unlikely to take Israel’s side in any conflict that it has with Tehran or with its proxies in Lebanon and Gaza, because Iran will have the means to punish them if they do. Israel will emerge more isolated than it has been at any time in its history—and not least from its only reliable protector, the United States. When Trump turns his back on Israel, as he must do to implement this policy, MAGA will gladly follow. The bipartisan anti-Israel consensus in the United States will grow and harden.

Will Israel go gentle into this good night? That is the wild card that may disrupt the financial markets’ dreams of a new stability in the Gulf. A stronger, richer, more influential Iran will mean new life for Hamas and Hezbollah. It will mean the end of the Abraham Accords, as the Gulf States will have to make their own peace with Tehran so that their economies can survive. Trump says that Netanyahu “will do whatever I want him to do.” But can Israel stand by while Iran replaces the United States as the arbiter of power in the region?

Most likely, the new normal in the Persian Gulf will be chronic instability and frequent disruptions in shipping. That’s what happens when the hegemon cedes hegemony. – The Atlantic, 21 May 2026

Robert Kagan is an author, a contributing writer for The Atlantic, and a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution.

Trump Cartoon

 

 

India missed making an informed civilisational argument in Oslo – Hindol Sengupta

Governor-General of Norway, Ulrik Frederik Gyldenløve, with his slave boy Christian Hansen Ernst.

The Norwegian journalist asked why India should be trusted. The civilisational answer was sitting right there, unharvested: trust a civilisation that has never started a world war, never built a slave empire, and never enriched itself by selling the fuels that now threaten the poorest nations on earth. – Hindol Sengupta

Faced with a belligerent Norwegian commentator asking why India should be trusted, and questioning the country’s human rights record, the spokesperson for the Indian Ministry of External Affairs reached for India’s history as a civilisational state.

But in the responses talking about the discovery of zero and yoga, among other things, the point did not land. The defence was not without merit. But it was strategically incomplete, tonally defensive, and squandered what was, in fact, a rare and powerful opportunity.

There were many strong points, derived from the civilisational argument, that could have been made. And here are some of them.

First, the question itself should have been reversed. India is not a supplicant. It does not seek to present its ‘credentials’ to Norway, a country that has barely a fraction of the population of Delhi NCR. The question should have been redirected precisely at the premise of the question. The issue was not whether India is perfect. The issue was who Norway was to ask, and more precisely, what standards of ‘trustworthiness’ the questioner herself represents.

India’s civilisational history teaches us that in at least 5,000 years of history, it has never developed a comparable overseas colonial empire to those of Europe, did not build its modern wealth on settler-colonial extermination abroad, nor exterminate indigenous populations. It never operated a transatlantic slave trade. It never carved up other countries at a conference table. It was, in fact, the colonised, not the coloniser, drained of trillions of dollars in wealth by the British Empire.

Norway, on the other hand, has a different history. Denmark-Norway operated one of the earliest slave trades in the Caribbean between the 17th and 19th centuries. The very prosperity that gives Norwegians their confident moral perch—the sovereign wealth fund, the social safety net, the press freedom rankings—was partly constructed on centuries of resource extraction, colonial administration, and the systematic suppression of the Sámi people, Norway’s own indigenous population, whose language, religion and land were stripped from them by state policy well into the 20th century. As recently as 1997, it emerged that Norway had operated a coercive sterilisation programme targeting “social undesirables”—overwhelmingly the Roma and the Sámi—until 1977.

A civilisation-state argument in Oslo should have begun here: India knows what it is to be judged and subjugated by people who did not first examine themselves.

Norway manages the world’s largest sovereign wealth fund, now valued at over $2 trillion, seeded almost entirely by North Sea oil and gas revenues. It positions itself as a global champion of climate action and environmental sustainability, yet oil and gas account for around 60 per cent of Norway’s total goods exports. Norway is the world’s third-largest natural gas exporter. The country gets rich selling the very fossil fuels that are submerging low-lying countries like India’s neighbour Bangladesh, threatening Indian monsoons, and forcing Pacific Island nations towards extinction—and then dispatches journalists and NGOs to interrogate the democratic credentials of the countries most exposed to climate consequences.

India, by contrast, has committed to 500 GW of renewable energy by 2030, is the world’s third-largest solar market, and is bearing the adaptation costs of a climate crisis it did not create. Per capita, India’s emissions remain a fraction of Norway’s. India’s spokesperson should have asked, calmly and firmly: on the question of who can be trusted with the planet’s future, which country’s record warrants scrutiny?

Norway presents itself as a global peacemaker, home of the Nobel Peace Prize, the Oslo Accords, and the Nansen Passport. These are genuine contributions. But Norway is also a significant arms exporter, selling weapons to countries with documented human rights concerns through loopholes in its laws, and it has faced repeated criticism for approving export licences that its own ethics processes flagged as problematic. A country cannot simultaneously auction off the Peace Prize brand and arm combatants. The question of trustworthiness cuts in multiple directions.

Here lies the most pointed civilisational contrast. Norway, with its vast oil wealth, world-class public services, and near-total ethnic homogeneity until recently, has found it profoundly difficult to integrate immigrants of non-European origin. Its child welfare service, Barnevernet, has been condemned by the European Court of Human Rights in the majority of judgements against it, with documented bias against immigrant families, including Indian families, whose normal cultural practices were criminalised as ‘improper parenting’.

India manages the coexistence of 22 officially recognised languages, hundreds of dialects, every major religion, and a democracy of nearly a billion registered voters, all while lifting more people out of poverty in a single generation than most countries have ever had as their entire population. It is not a perfect record. But it is not a civilisation that needs lectures from a country that has never governed anything remotely as diverse, as large, or as historically in need of development.

The mistake of the Indian spokesperson was not that he pushed back. It was that he pushed back defensively, as if India were a defendant in Norway’s dock. The civilisational argument, properly deployed, does not defend India; it reframes the entire premise. It asks the questioner to justify her own inheritance before auditing someone else’s.

India’s civilisational identity is not a museum of ancient achievements. It is an argument about strategic restraint: a civilisation with long traditions of commerce, absorption, and plural coexistence; one that was colonised; that absorbed even invaders and made them Indian; that has understood, in its deepest traditions, that diversity is not a problem to manage but the irreducible nature of a complex world.

The Norwegian journalist asked why India should be trusted. The civilisational answer was sitting right there, unharvested: trust a civilisation that has never started a world war, never built a slave empire, and never enriched itself by selling the fuels that now threaten the poorest nations on earth. The answer to ‘why trust India?’ is simply this—because India is the country that has been on the receiving end of every accusation it is now being asked to answer for, and is still here, still democratic, still standing. That is the response Oslo needed. It was not given. Next time, it should be. – Firstpost, 20 May 2026

Hindol Sengupta is an award-winning historian and author of 13 books. He is professor of international relations at O.P. Jindal Global University, NCR.

Norway Arms Trader

Sanatan Dharma: Neither defender nor detractor care to know its true nature – Acharya Prashant

Nachiketa & Yama

Man carries a longing for light and liberation, a restlessness with his own condition that no amount of material satisfaction resolves. … Those who wish to eradicate Sanatan Dharma should be required to specify what they propose to put in its place, because the longing it addresses does not go away when the tradition addressing it is removed. – Acharya Prashant

The word “Sanatan” means eternal. It is now among the most fiercely contested words in Indian public life, invoked often to denounce, defend or mobilise with an urgency that might suggest the arguers have some acquaintance with the tradition the word names. The urgency disguises a near-universal absence of that acquaintance. This is the characteristic condition of a tradition that has survived for several millennia: its label is loudly possessed while its philosophical core is quietly unread. A label offers identity without the cost of inquiry; the tradition’s core offers inquiry without the comfort of a pre-settled identity. These are incompatible offers, and the parties who fight most loudly over the label are, on both sides of every recurring controversy, determined to take the first and avoid the second.

When Udayanidhi Stalin declared in 2023 that Sanatan Dharma was like dengue, malaria, and the coronavirus, that it could not merely be opposed but had to be eradicated, and then renewed the substance of those remarks more recently, the response played out with perfect predictability. Defenders massed on one flank, critics on the other, and the noise between them was considerable. What the noise did not contain was any careful examination of the thing being argued about. The straw man, in which one constructs a distorted image of an opponent’s position and directs the criticism at the distortion, was not the property of one side alone. Critics attacked a version of Sanatan Dharma that bears little resemblance to what the term philosophically denotes. Defenders rushed to protect a version of Sanatan Dharma they have largely never read. In the middle, the actual philosophical tradition sat untouched by either party, as irrelevant to the noise as a library to a riot outside its doors.

The critics have genuine grievances that must be acknowledged without evasion. Caste discrimination, patriarchy, the ritual exploitation of the vulnerable, the sanctification of social hierarchy in the language of the sacred: these are real, documented, and still operative. Tamil Nadu’s history with precisely these abuses is not contested, and Periyar’s long campaign against them represents one of modern India’s more serious engagements with social oppression. His visit to Kashi, where he witnessed the conditions around the ghats and was then turned away from a feeding hall for not being a Brahmin, his years of questioning at Vaishnava religious gatherings as a young man, his decades of work against the abuse of caste authority: none of this is mythology. When a politician from that tradition objects to the spread of practices that historically served to brutalise the vulnerable, the objection carries genuine moral force. The criticism arrives from lived experience, not from ignorance of it.

Warranted indignation, however, is not the same as accurate targeting, and accurate targeting requires knowing what one is targeting. The social evils that animated Periyar did not arise from the philosophical core of the tradition called Sanatan Dharma. They arose from the ego’s characteristic capacity to commandeer any available language in service of exploitation. The animal within man, to use a formulation that appears in this tradition’s own diagnostic vocabulary, does not abandon its predatory instincts when it acquires the vocabulary of the sacred; it puts that vocabulary to use. The intention to exploit finds its cover in the language of religiosity, and thereafter the two are fused in public perception, so that attacking the exploitation feels like attacking the religion, and defending the religion feels like defending the exploitation. Both responses are mistaken, because the exploiter and the tradition the exploiter has hijacked are not the same thing.

If an unqualified practitioner causes harm in the name of medicine, that harm does not condemn the entire field; it condemns the practitioner’s departure from it. To use the malpractice as evidence that medicine itself must be eradicated is to punish the discipline for the quack’s crimes while leaving the quack untouched. This is precisely the structure of the argument against Sanatan Dharma. The social evils attributed to it were committed in its name, not in its spirit; to dispose of the tradition on this basis is to discard the antidote because the poison was administered in the same bottle.

The objection survives, of course, that if almost no one practices the antidote and the poison is what fills the bottles in actual circulation, the practical force of pointing to the antidote is limited. The honest answer is that the antidote is on the shelves where it has always been, untouched precisely because the work it demands is more difficult than the consolations of the poison. That untouched availability does not justify the poison; it indicts those who never opened the bottle.

What, then, does Sanatan Dharma actually mean? The answer lies in the tradition’s own language. The root “dharma” denotes that which is worth carrying, the fundamental obligation that one owes to one’s own existence. “Sanatan” denotes that which holds true irrespective of time, place, or circumstance. Together they name the obligation that is always operative. What in human experience qualifies as eternal in this sense? Ritual varies by village, belief varies by century, custom varies by caste and region and generation, all of these being local and contingent rather than eternal. What remains constant across all times, geographies, economic conditions, genders, and religious affiliations is the inner human condition: the restlessness, the fear, the greed, the bondage to desire and habit, the persistent registration that something is wrong within, that something essential is missing, that the ordinary strategies of accumulation and belonging have not and will not resolve the ache at the centre. This condition is neither Indian nor Hindu nor traceable to any particular scripture or founder. Every human being who has ever lived has inhabited it, whether in ancient Taxila or contemporary Tokyo. It does not abate with wealth or education or religious affiliation. It belongs, as the tradition itself diagnoses, to the structure of the ego that has not yet turned to look at itself. The dharma that arises from this eternal condition is equally universal: to move, through honest inquiry, from bondage toward understanding. This directional imperative, installed in the human situation itself, is what Sanatan Dharma names. Not a religion in the familiar sense of a founder and a creed and a list of compulsory observances, but a description of the ego’s most fundamental predicament and of what it owes itself in response.

A note on vocabulary is necessary before going further. The word “Atma,” which will recur, does not in this argument name a hidden substance behind the ego, a positive entity awaiting discovery once the ego is set aside. It names the limit of the ego’s reach, the point at which the categorising agent runs out of categories to apply. The classical commentators often used the word to name something positive, and the popular tradition has inherited this usage. The investigation conducted here is concerned with what the ego can honestly verify, and what it can verify is its own operations and the limit at which those operations terminate. Beyond that limit nothing can be said, including the claim that something positive lies there. The tradition’s most rigorous moments operate at this limit, not beyond it.

Man requires dharma precisely because he is not an animal. The animal inhabits its nature without remainder, and so requires no tradition, no scripture, no inquiry. Man is different. He carries a longing for light and liberation, a restlessness with his own condition that no amount of material satisfaction resolves. If that longing finds no honest framework through which to pursue movement toward dissolution, it does not disappear; it distorts. An ego denied a path toward its own dissolution does not stop seeking; it seeks more loudly, more violently, and in more dangerous directions. The consequences for any society that severs its population from a genuine dharmic orientation are not pleasant to contemplate. Those who wish to eradicate Sanatan Dharma should be required to specify what they propose to put in its place, because the longing it addresses does not go away when the tradition addressing it is removed.

What Sanatan Dharma actually is becomes clearer by examining what it is not. The tradition produced, over several thousand years spanning a geography from modern Afghanistan to Bengal and from Kashmir to Tamil Nadu, an enormous volume of text. Not all of it is of the same kind, and the confusion of kinds is one of the central sources of error in this debate. The tradition distinguishes sharply between shruti, that which was heard or revealed, and smriti, that which was remembered or composed. Shruti, which is to say the Vedas and the Upanishads that form their philosophical summit, constitutes the canonical core. Smriti, which includes the Manusmriti, the Puranas, and a vast body of supplementary texts, occupies a lower and explicitly derivative position. This distinction is built into the tradition’s own classification. The texts that contain the caste hierarchies, the patriarchal injunctions, the social regulations that the critics rightly find objectionable, belong overwhelmingly to the smriti category, and specifically to the Puranas, most of which were composed between a thousand and fifteen hundred years ago, vastly more recent than the Vedic core they claim to elaborate. The most widely practiced popular Hinduism today is largely pauranik, grounded in puranic stories and puranic ritual. Sanatan Dharma, properly understood, is Vedantic, grounded in the Upanishads, the Brahma Sutra, and the Bhagavad Gita. These are not the same thing.

It must be conceded that the classical commentators, including the greatest of them, did not always honour this hierarchy in their practical positions. Shankara, Ramanuja, and Madhva accepted the social authority of varnashrama in ways the upanishadic core does not require and in places actively contradicts. The lived tradition did not consistently operate on its own classification. The principal upanishadic corpus is itself heterogeneous: the Chandogya speaks of rebirth into “good wombs”; the Brihadaranyaka contains creation narratives that include varna; the Purusha Sukta of the Rig Veda is the well-known passage from which later commentators derived hereditary justification. These passages exist, and the honest reading acknowledges that the canonical core permits a caste-friendly interpretation. What the same corpus also contains, and contains in passages of unmistakable centrality, is the method that makes such interpretations impossible to sustain on the tradition’s own terms.

Consider how the method actually operates. In the Katha Upanishad, a young boy named Nachiketa approaches Yama, the Lord of Death, with a single question: what happens to a man after he dies, is there anything that remains, or does the matter end with the body? Yama, faced with the question, tries every available evasion. He offers Nachiketa long life, the kingship of the earth, wealth beyond reckoning, the company of women, sons and grandsons who will live a hundred years, anything at all in exchange for being released from the question. Nachiketa refuses each offer in turn. His refusals are not ornamental; they constitute the form of the inquiry. He says, in effect: these are the very things whose unsatisfactoriness produced my question; you cannot answer the question by offering me more of what produced it. The wealth will deplete, the kingdom will pass, the pleasures will end in their own exhaustion. The boy holds his position until the teaching he came for is delivered. Only when every comforting alternative to the actual question has been refused does the actual question receive its answer.

This is the form of the tradition. The student does not accept what is offered; he refuses everything offered until what is true is forced into the open. Authority does not settle the question; only the inquiry itself does. A tradition whose central texts operate this way cannot consistently produce a stable caste hierarchy, because the same method that demands the rejection of consolation in the search for truth demands the rejection of inherited social categories in the constitution of the self. The two refusals are the same refusal. The canonical core permits the caste reading, in the sense that scattered passages can be assembled into one; the canonical core’s method dissolves the caste reading, in the sense that the inquiry it demands cannot be conducted while one is still defending one’s inherited place in a hierarchy. The lived tradition often chose the assembly over the method. The unread tradition retains the method intact.

The Vajrasuchika Upanishad, though a minor and late text, makes the method explicit on this specific point. The student asks what caste is, and the teacher responds with a series of refutations. Can caste belong to the body? No, because all bodies arise from the same five elements. Can caste belong to Atma? No, because the word Atma names precisely the point at which the ego’s categories run out; nothing the ego adds can attach where the ego itself has not entered. The conclusion is unambiguous: caste belongs only to the ego, which is to say it is the ego’s construction, not a feature of any reality the ego did not itself produce.

The same dissolution operates throughout the principal Upanishads, not as a doctrine about caste but as the general method of the inquiry. Every egoic category, including but not limited to varna, is treated as the very obstruction the inquiry is designed to dissolve. To read the Ashtavakra Gita, which compresses the Sanatana spirit into one of its purest available forms, and to point to caste anywhere in its eighteen chapters would be an interesting exercise; the concept does not exist in the text, because the text is too busy dissolving the ego that would need such a category. Sanatan Dharma’s foundational position is that all divisions among human beings, of caste, colour, creed, language, gender, economic station, are constructions of an ego that is itself the central object of dharmic inquiry. This makes Sanatan Dharma not a source of division but one of the most radical philosophies of dissolution the species has produced. It does not unify what was divided; it dissolves the categorising agent that divided in the first place.

The confusion deepens because three categorically distinct things are routinely conflated in this debate. Sanatan Dharma, as described, is a philosophical orientation directed toward liberation from inner bondage, indifferent to creed and community. Hinduism, as the Supreme Court too has observed with a precision that deserves wider acknowledgment, is not a religion in the technical sense at all; it is a vast and internally inconsistent collection of belief systems, ranging from sophisticated non-dualism to local animism, held together by little more than geographical provenance, its very name derived from a river, applied by outsiders, and retaining that looseness to this day. A person can believe anything whatsoever, or nothing in particular, and still qualify as Hindu, because no practice forfeits the label and none confers it. The word has become nearly meaningless as a philosophical designation. Hindutva is a third entity, categorically different from both: a political ideology, barely a century old, that seeks to define Indian national identity through cultural markers whose actual roots lie largely in the Mughal and British periods rather than in the ancient philosophical tradition it claims to represent. When critics attack Sanatan Dharma and mean practiced Hinduism, they target a real problem with a wrong name. When defenders protect Sanatan Dharma and mean Hindutva, they mount a real defence of a wrong object. The vocabulary ensures that no genuine examination of any of the three things named can take place.

Behind the vocabulary problem lies a further one that deserves examination in its own right: the systematic attempt over recent decades to transform Sanatan Dharma into something resembling an Abrahamic religion. The effort is visible in concrete operations. The Bhagavad Gita is increasingly promoted as “the Hindu Bible,” a single canonical text in a tradition whose actual textual practice was always plural. Hindu weekend schools and dharma classes are organised on the explicit model of Sunday catechism. The language of “conversion” and “reconversion,” foreign to the older tradition, is now central to a significant strand of contemporary Hindu organisation. Demands appear for a single defining figure, a single boundary beyond which one is no longer a co-religionist, a posture of doctrinal exclusivity and communal aggression where there was previously argumentative plurality. This is not Sanatan Dharma; it is the ego’s inferiority complex given institutional form. The Hindu who wishes to Abrahamise his tradition is, in the most direct sense, expressing his admiration for the traditions he claims to oppose. One does not voluntarily remake oneself in another’s image unless one regards that other as superior; the imitation is the compliment. The stated motivation may be resistance to Christianity or Islam, but the actual operation is one of unacknowledged admiration: seeing the wealth and global influence of the one, seeing the demographic reach of the other, and concluding that these successes must owe something to the organisational character of those traditions, and therefore that emulation will produce equivalent results. An ego that genuinely regarded its own tradition as superior would not study the other in order to become it.

The Abrahamic model requires belief: entry into the tradition requires accepting certain propositions as true, and exit is triggered by rejecting them. This is precisely what Sanatan Dharma does not require and, in its philosophical core, explicitly refuses. The central word of Sanatan Dharma is not belief but jigyaasa, the hunger to know. Religion in the Abrahamic pattern tells the adherent what to believe and asks him to maintain it. Sanatan Dharma tells the seeker that his received beliefs, his maan and his mat, the opinions and convictions he has accumulated from family, culture, and community, are themselves the primary obstacle, the very substance of inner bondage that the dharma is designed to dissolve. A true Sanatani is therefore not someone who believes more intensely; he is someone who examines his own beliefs more rigorously than he examines anyone else’s. The inner examination begins at home, with the convictions one has never questioned precisely because one has held them longest. Sanatan Dharma is founded on jigyaasa; Abrahamic religion is founded on iman, faith, the acceptance of what has been given. These are not variations of the same impulse; they are structurally opposed.

This structural opposition has a remarkable implication that the controversy has entirely missed. By the criterion the tradition itself provides, a Muslim who sincerely inquires into the nature of his own inner bondage and actively moves toward its dissolution qualifies more as a Sanatani than a self-declared Hindu who has never examined a Vedantic text and defends his religious identity through aggression and superstition. A Christian, a Jew, a declared atheist, anyone whose inner life is oriented toward honest self-inquiry and the dissolution of the ego’s bondages, qualifies as a Sanatani under the tradition’s own definition. Conversely, the person who recites mantras without inquiry, performs rituals without examination, and wears religious identity as scaffolding for the ego’s project of self-promotion does not qualify as a Sanatani no matter what label he claims. There may not be a thousand truly Sanatani practitioners among those who loudly invoke the Sanatana name. This is uncomfortable, but it follows directly from the tradition’s own criteria, which are the only criteria with any legitimate claim to authority.

Similarly, astika in the tradition’s own usage does not mean what most assume. It does not mean “one who believes in God.” It means one who has an understanding of shruti, in the Vedantic revelation, in the tradition’s highest texts. Several of the six orthodox darshanas, the great philosophical systems of Sanatan tradition, are explicitly astika while containing no personal God whatsoever. Sankhya posits no Ishvara; Purva Mimamsa acknowledges ritual divinities but no creator god; both are astika systems, because they accept the authority of Vedic shruti. Theism and Sanatan Dharma are not the same requirement. One can be a genuine Sanatani without believing in any personal god, and one can believe in any number of gods while remaining, philosophically, entirely outside the tradition.

Behind the ego’s relationship to religion in general lies the deepest problem this controversy has not acknowledged. The ego registers itself as insufficient. It senses, without being able to name what it lacks, that it is not enough. Every strategy it employs to cover this registration, of accumulation, achievement, relationship, identity, provides temporary relief and then demands fresh effort, because the insufficiency the ego registers is the registration of itself, and no addition resolves what addition is the problem. Religion, at its philosophical root, is a response to this condition, the tradition’s accumulated attempt to diagnose the ego’s situation and point in the direction of its dissolution. But the ego does not receive religion this way. It receives religion as it receives everything else: as material for scaffolding, as another acquisition to be claimed, another identity to be defended, another credential to be deployed in the endless project of demonstrating adequacy. What was intended as a solvent of the ego becomes the ego’s most elaborately decorated possession. The devout man who visits the temple daily, who can cite scripture and observe ritual with impeccable fidelity, has constructed a performance that proves to himself, above all, that he is religious. The performance substitutes for the inquiry it was supposed to initiate. He has used religion to protect himself from religion’s actual demand. And the ego does not merely resist dharma’s transformation; it consumes dharma and grows on the consumption. The more religious paraphernalia the ego accumulates, the larger it grows, and the further it moves from the confrontation the dharma was designed to force. The ego that should have been dissolved by dharma instead fattens on dharmic props and calls the fattening growth.

A teaching is not the same thing as a tradition. The teaching is what was said or demonstrated in a particular historical moment, oriented toward the ego’s dissolution. The tradition is the institutional apparatus that develops around it over subsequent centuries, the lineages, the commentaries, the ritual prescriptions, the sectarian boundaries, the orthodoxies. Within a few generations of any teacher’s death, the institution begins serving its own survival. Within a few more, it produces material the original teacher would not have recognised, and defends that material as the original teaching. The texts that carry the original investigation, the Upanishads, the Ashtavakra Gita, are not empty of authority; they are astonishingly precise and demanding. But they have been buried under the pauranik overlay of story, ritual, and communal identity that the tradition-as-institution finds more tractable. The scripture survives while its function is buried under centuries of appropriation. The student who failed the examination because he never opened the textbook then turns on the teacher and the textbook as responsible for his failure. This is a precise description of what has happened to Sanatan Dharma’s relationship with those who carry its name.

The most pointed irony of the present controversy is one that will satisfy neither side. Periyar, the figure whose spirit the critics invoke to justify their objections, was animated throughout his life by a refusal to accept received authority, an insistence on questioning what others absorbed without examination, a rage against the exploitation of the vulnerable dressed in the language of the sacred, a commitment to rational inquiry over hereditary belief. He was silenced and dismissed as a young man for asking inconvenient questions at religious gatherings; he took the silencing not as a reason to stop asking but as confirmation that the questions mattered. In the framework of Sanatan Dharma properly understood, this disposition is not antithetical to the tradition; it is, in the most precise sense, the tradition itself. The Upanishads are dialogues built on the premise that inquiry rather than acceptance is the path: the student questions, the teacher responds, the student questions the response, and no claim is exempt from examination. The Ashtavakra Gita opens with a student who refuses to accept the teacher’s words on authority and demands that the truth be demonstrated. Nachiketa refused every consolation offered by the Lord of Death until the actual answer was given. Periyar, by this reckoning, was operating closer to the tradition’s own method than most of those who now invoke the tradition’s name to silence precisely the kind of questioning Periyar exemplified.

Extend the observation to Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar and the case must be made rather than asserted. Bhagat Singh wrote Why I Am an Atheist in a prison cell in 1930, knowing his execution was near. The essay is not, in any honest reading, a celebration of nihilism or a polemic against inquiry. It is one of the most careful pieces of self-examination produced in early twentieth-century Indian writing. He refuses to pray before his death not because he denies the value of seeking but because he refuses to use the seeking instrumentally, as a crutch in his final hours, when he had not credited it in the years that preceded them. This is the precise discipline the dharmic inquiry asks of the seeker: that the inquiry be honest enough to refuse the consolations it has not earned. Bhagat Singh did not reject Sanatan Dharma’s method; he rejected the practiced tradition’s appropriation of that method into communal identity. The two are not the same rejection, and the essay distinguishes between them with more care than most of his subsequent admirers have noticed.

Ambedkar’s case is sharper still. Annihilation of Caste is not a rejection of inquiry; it is a sustained accusation that the practiced tradition refused to apply inquiry to itself. His turn to Buddhism was not a turn away from the dharmic project but a turn toward a tradition that, in his reading, conducted the inquiry without insisting on the revealed authority of a corpus the inquiry could not interrogate. This is the jigyaasa-versus-iman distinction enacted as a life. Ambedkar would have rejected the label Sanatani, and the rejection must be honoured rather than overwritten. What cannot be honoured, because the texts do not permit it, is the claim that he was operating against the tradition’s actual method. He was operating against its institutional capture, and the operation was itself an exercise of the method. The label belongs to the egos that fight over labels. The method is available to anyone who undertakes it, regardless of what he calls himself or refuses to call himself.

You have read this far, and the question by now is not whether the defenders or the critics have it right. The question is whether the inquiry the tradition asks of you is one you have ever conducted, or only one you have argued about. The labels available, Sanatani, Hindu, secularist, atheist, are all the same label in one important respect: each can be carried as an identity without ever undertaking the examination from which the underlying tradition derives its name. If the identity is carried and the examination is not undertaken, the label is empty regardless of which one is chosen. The defender who has never read an Upanishad and the critic who has never read one are, in the only sense the tradition cares about, in exactly the same position.

There is something to be named here that neither side in this controversy has named. Sanatan Dharma is among the most rigorous philosophical traditions the species has produced. It has grappled, with extraordinary sophistication and over an enormous span of time, with the most fundamental questions available to a human being: who am I, what is the nature of suffering, what does the dissolution of bondage mean, how does the ego produce the very bondages it then suffers? Its summit texts are among the finest instruments of inner inquiry in any tradition. That these texts now largely sit unread, while the tradition that claims them produces superstition, caste violence, and communal aggression in their name, while the word Sanatan has in some quarters become a synonym for prejudice and exclusion, while those who have most faithfully practised the tradition’s actual method are sometimes found among its declared opponents: this is not the fault of the tradition. It is the fault of those who have used the tradition’s name while fleeing from its demand.

What is true religiosity, if it is not what either side in this controversy is defending or attacking? It is the ego’s honest engagement with its own condition, the willingness to examine what one actually is rather than what one has been told one is, the movement, however halting and partial, from bondage toward understanding. It asks no particular founder, no particular text, no particular ritual, no particular community for its legitimacy. It asks only that the ego turn, with something approaching courage, toward the very thing it has spent its entire existence avoiding: a direct encounter with its own fabrications. The tradition that carries this demand has been carrying it for several thousand years. Its central texts remain available, translated, annotated, accessible to anyone who wishes to read them.

Most do not, and most will not. The loudest voices in this controversy, on both sides, have almost certainly not read them. And the question that should trouble everyone involved, defender and critic alike, is this: what exactly were you fighting over? – The Pioneer, 16 may 2026

› Acharya Prashant is a philosopher and author whose work centres on self-inquiry and its application to contemporary life.

Buddha Quote

India’s global power status will be decided in the next decade – Minhaz Merchant

India

India’s transition to a Great Power needs more governance and less bureaucracy, more reforms and less regulation, more assertive engagement with the rest of the world and less passive neutrality. – Minhaz Merchant

India’s geopolitical absence during the Middle East crisis has emboldened critics of India’s global rise. The critics are both indigenous and foreign. The US-led West does not welcome the prospect of India becoming another economic, technological and military powerhouse like China in the next decisive decade.

Christopher Landau, America’s deputy secretary of state, said it explicitly during a recent think tank conference in Delhi: “India should understand that we’re not going to make the same mistakes with India that we made with China 20 years ago in terms of saying, ‘Oh, you know, we’re going to let you develop all these markets,’ and then the next thing we know, you’re beating us in a lot of commercial things.”

The indigenous criticism of India’s evolving place in the world is harsher as it always is during an election season. Where does the truth lie? Has India’s global advance stalled? Or, is it simply navigating a difficult course in a disorderly world?

Strategic autonomy is India’s guiding geopolitical principle. But stretched too far, it can morph into passive neutrality. That is not how a nation makes the transition from a Middle Power to a Great Power.

Take China’s rise as an example. Till 1980 it was a peripheral power with a GDP of $0.19 trillion and widespread poverty. Its reformist leader Deng Xiaoping began an economic liberalisation process that catapulted China to a Great Power in one generation. By 2010, China’s GDP had grown more than thirty-fold in 30 years from $0.19 trillion to $6.10 trillion.

Much of China’s ascent owed to two factors: Communism and intellectual property theft. Obsessed by the Cold War, the US propped up China as a counter to the Soviet Union. It allowed free access to Chinese scientists and academics to US universities and research laboratories. China reverse-engineered US military and civil technology before Washington realised that it had unwittingly created a superpower rival.

America’s attitude to India is deeply prejudiced by its toxic Chinese experience. In 2005 the US experimented with deploying a still “fragile-five” India as a regional counterweight to China. An India-US civil nuclear deal followed, along with closer economic ties. China remained America’s target.

That policy has been largely abandoned for two reasons. One, China is now too powerful to be countered by a third country. Two, India itself threatens to become too powerful for America’s comfort in the next decisive decade.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) in its latest World Economic Outlook (April 2026) report places India’s GDP, measured by Purchasing Power Parity (PPP), as the world’s third largest at $18.90 trillion. The US is the world’s second largest economy ($32.38 trillion) below first-placed China ($44.30 trillion).

The combined GDP (PPP) of India and China in 2026 is therefore $63.20 trillion, double US GDP. The two Asian giants are growing at an annual rate of 4.5 per cent (China) and 6.5 per cent (India) compared to annual US growth rate of 2 per cent. The economic gap between the world’s three largest economies is widening with India’s GDP (PPP) now nearly half China’s and two-thirds America’s.

Trump factor

Under President Donald Trump, the US regards India’s ascent with concern. Moreover, Washington believes a thaw between India and China could create a powerful axis against the US-led West. That axis is currently fragmented. One half is centred around China, Russia, North Korea and Iran—all irredeemably hostile to the West.

The other half comprises powers of the Global South led by India, Brazil and others. If these two halves come together on a common platform, the US-led West could for the first time in two centuries face a credible threat to its global hegemony.

The only international platform that can grow into a unified non-Western axis is BRICS. India is currently the group’s annual rotating head. Foreign ministers from BRICS nations are scheduled to meet in Delhi in May. India will host the BRICS heads of government summit in Delhi in October. Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin are scheduled to attend.

BRICS has now expanded to 11 member-nations. They include the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, Iran and Egypt, all key players in the unfolding world order.

As a Great Power in transition, India must ignore the advice Deng gave China in 1980: “Hide your strength, bide your time.” For India, the time to hide its strength has long gone. It has historically punched below its geopolitical weight. That era is over.

India must now move from a policy of strategic autonomy to strategic assertiveness. Autonomy is the passive language of non-alignment. It is mistaken by other powers as India’s unwillingness to take sides, take risks, and impose its strategic thinking on others.

For an economy which, as IMF data points out, contributes 17 per cent to annual global growth, second only to China (26.60 per cent) and far more than the US (9.90 per cent), passive neutrality is not the quickest path to Great Power status.

China transitioned from a Middle Power in 2000 to a Great Power in 2020 by being geopolitically assertive. As a noisy, fractious democracy, India’s path is not as smooth as Communist China’s. But in the long run, the advantages of democracy and freedom will always score over communism and dictatorship.

The seeds of China’s demographic downfall were sown in the 1970s when it enforced forcible birth control and a one-child policy. India tried to do the same during the 1975-77 Emergency with forcible sterilisation. Communism allowed China to enforce the policy. India’s democracy did not: forced sterilisation ended with the revocation of the Emergency and the 1977 general election.

The outcome: China’s population is in free fall. Workforce productivity, despite AI automation, is slowing. The UN projects China’s population will halve to 733 million in 2100. India’s population in contrast will plateau at 1.5 billion through to the end of the 21st century, giving it the tools to become the world’s largest economy (PPP) by 2055.

But the transition to a Great Power needs more governance and less bureaucracy, more reforms and less regulation, more assertive engagement with the rest of the world and less passive neutrality.

The tools are in place. Washington and Beijing may feign disinterest but they are watching carefully. Neither welcomes India’s ascent and will do what they can to stall it till, like China, India becomes too big to stall. – Firstpost, 21 April 2026

› Minhaz Merchant is an editor, author and publisher.

PM Modi with BRICS foreign ministers (2026).